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Vol. IV. JUNE, 1909. No. 2 



From DoTraholme, au obscure village of Kichmondshire in 
the North Riding of the County of York, came to America the 
founder of Annapolis and Williamsburg, of King William's 
School and William and Mary College, the Colonial administrator 
and "governor of governors," patron of schools and of religion, 
Francis Nicholson, whose loug aiid varied activity makes him a 
conspicuous figure in American colonial history. 

Downholme parish, though not bairen, is broken into many 
wild diversities of surfaee that would almost defy the efforts of 
man to discover an easy road into its Upper Swale dale, where 
lie the ruins of one of the humblest of all monastic foundations, 
Ellerton upon Swale, dating probably from the reign of Henry II. 

Downholme Park was the old scat of the Scropes of Bolton, 
who had been summoned thenee to Parliament for eleven genera- 

When the first Earl of Sunderland, Emanuel Scrope, eleventh 
Baron Scrope of Boltou, died iu 1630, his extensive estates were 
divided among his three natural daughters, his only children. 

Downholme Park fell to Mary the eldest, who, as a widow, 
was married, February 12, 1655 or 1656, to Lord St. John, 
sixth Marquis of Winchester, created in 1689 Duke of Bolton. 

Sir John Eeresby and Bishop Burnet, his contemporaries, have 




represented this Lord St. John, Duke of Bolton surnamed "the 
prond," as one of the most extravagant livers of his time, " a 
man who took all sorts of liberties with himself;" he was 
arrogant and " had the spleen to an high degree," said tlie 
Bishop, ..." yet carried matters before him wth such authority 
and sueeess, that he was in all respects the great riddle of the 

Francis Nicholson was the natural son of this prond Duke of 
Bolton. When the General made his ■will in 1728, he wrote, 
with a view to a monumental inscription, " I was born at 
Downhara (Downholme) Park, near llielimond, in Yorkshire, 
12 November, 1655." 

Of his boyhood we have no reeord. He was brought up in 
the schools ; his letters and dispatches, as Mr. Doyle remarks, 
were indicative of superior education aud talents, and he fully 
appreciated the importance of education in the colonies he 

Young Nicholson passed at an early age into the army of 
Charles II, and served three years in the Third BulEs, A\here he 
was, January 9, 1678, commissioned an ensign. 

The year is a memorable one in the history of the English 
occupation of Tangier, in Morocco. Tangier had come to the 
crown in 1662 with Bombay as part of Catherine of Braganza's 
wedding dowry to Charles II., and was considered a most valu- 
able acquisition. The history of the years in which it formed 
part of the British Empire is little known ; but is one glorious for 
the gallant struggles of the British soldiers sent to gnard it, for 
their resolute endurance, fighting under every conceivable diffi- 
enlty, or dying at their posts when overwhelmed by crafty and 
unscrupulous foes. John Churchill, the great Duke of Marl- 
borough, when scarce 20 years of age, served as a volunteer. 

The Moorish Emperor, Mnley Ishmael, with an enormous 
army of slaves from the Soudan, was ably aud ferociously sup- 
porting his throne, and making more determined attacks on the 

The exigency called for reinforcements, and furnished the 
occasion for Francis Nicholson to see his first service under the 


famous Lieutenaut-Colonel Percy Kirke, an able and energetic 
soldier. Lieuteuant-Colonel Kirke, promoted from the Earl of 
Oxford's troop in the Royal Horse Guards raised 8 companies 
iu London and vieinity, as Major Charles Trelavvuey did iu 
Plymouth, and these companies made up the Earl of Plymouth's 
Regiment, later called the 4th King's Own, and now the King's 
Own Royal Lancaster Regiment. Ensign Nicholson served in 
this second Tangier regiment under Colonel Kirke at 3 shillings 
a day. 

Three months after it was formed, the 4th King's Own em- 
barked on what proved a hard voyj^e. Long detention on ship- 
board eost the lives of several officers and at least 50 privates ; 
and when the regiment arrived at Tangier in December, 1680, it 
was in a siekly eonditiou. 

Colonel Kirke, a short-tempered, rough-spoken, dissolute 
soldier, harsh and unscrupulous, who is credited later with hang- 
ing a hundred persons without any sort of a trial within a 
week after a victory, using the sign-post of his inn as a gallows, 
seems to have teiken special notice of Francis Nicholson, aud 
employed him as a personal aide-de-camp, giving him the local 
rank of captain. 

In February, 1681, Colonel Kirke was sent as special mes- 
§enger to the Emperor Muley Ishmael, at Mequinez, the Ver- 
sailles of Morocco. The Emperor spent much of his time there 
in its sumptuous palaces, and was almost always engaged, when 
not at war (or amusing himself with inventing some new torture 
for his subjects or the unhappy Christian slaves), in laying out 
pleasure grounds and beautifying his city. These slaves might 
be Englishmen or Portuguese, or other Europeans ; soldiers, 
sailors, or women captured by pirates or soldiers. 

Colonel Kirke, in his visit to Mequinez and Fez, made a favor- 
able impression upon the Barbary Emperor, aud he thereby 
brought about the redemption or liberation of a number of the 
English slaves. His correspondence was carried on through 
Lieutenant Nicholson, who was sent ou several missions to the 
Emperor, to London, and to Lord Preston, British Ambassador 
in Paris, in 1682 and 1683. 



Colonel Kirke became GoTcrnor of Tangier in 1682 and was 
transferred to the colonelcy of the old Tangier or Governor's 
regiment, since the Second or Queen's, and now the Queen's 
Royal West Surrey Regiment. Their badge was a Paschal Lamb, 
and they were known as " Kirke's Lambs." The dissolute tone 
of tlie garrison life complained of by the Fleet-Chaplain Ken 
(author of the doxology " Praise God, from whom all blessings 
flow "), exerted no good effect upon Colonel Kirke nor his aide. 
To Emperor Muley Ishmael, Governor Kirke pledged himself to 
turn Musselman, if he ever changed his faith ; and Lieutenant Nichol- 
son imbibed lessons that showed their effects at Hounslow Heath 
and in America. But environment and the age must be con- 
sidered. Nor wpre strict, severe, army regulations wanting. 
Duties to God, His Majesty, and in general were clearly laid 
down ; strictly forbidding profanity, absence from prayers and 
sermons ; drunkenness, &c. Death was the penalty for chal- 
lenging an officer to a duel. Other penalties were severe. 

When at last the religious prejudices of the times compelled 
King Charles to abandon Tangier, he yielded to the barbarous 
Moors a possession that might have become as rich a jewel in 
the crown as did Bombay. Lord Dartmouth and Colonel Kirke 
abandoned the town in 1684. 

The 23 years of its possession had cost the Crown more than 
all the garrisons of England, and the returns had grown and 
less. This history is not a credit to the British nation. An 
empire might have been formed in Africa as powerful for good 
as that built up in India. 

However this may be, glory is reflected upon the English by 
the pertinacious valor of the troops engaged there. The record of 
the Tangier Regiments furnishes a bright example of the strong 
self-reliant character of our race, and of the indomitable pluek 
and resolution that enabled them to retain so long the possession 
of the place and then to retire in the view of the enemy with 
dignity and without loss. 

Lieutenant Nicholson returned to England, and is likely to 
have been with Colonel Kirke at the battle of Sedgmoor, July 6, 
1685; and at Taunton, where "Kirke's Lambs" marched in 


eseorting prisoners and two eart loads of wounded ; and in 
Taunton marketplace at onee lianged nineteen piisoners. 

Lieutenant Nieholsrn was a Protestant. When King James 
II. came to tlie throne, a Koman Catholic, and a bigoted one, 
exercised the lordship over government, army, and people. He 
publicly indeed, promised that he would not molest the Protes- 
tants, but would respect their privileges. The King's partiality, 
however, to the Roman Catholics soon placed Nicholson under 
the neeessity of deciding a matter, very simple in itself, yet one 
in which a principle was involved, and from which he was after- 
wards to suffer the consequences of a wrong decision. 

The world was in great religious unrest. Tlie revoeatiou of 
the Edict of Nantes, in 1685, caused a cry of grief and rage 
throughout Protestant Europe. England was filled with dismay 
at the acts of her own sovereign. The king had organized a 
military force, and in defiance of the law had selected its officers 
chiefly from Roman Catholics. "He took great pains to view 
and diseiplinc it ; and to that end formed a sort of Camp all that 
summer on Hounsloe Heath (in Middlesex), and by the great 
attention he had to their cloathing, armeing, and discipline, 
render'd it a very eompleat body of men, which tho not very 
numerous (as not exceeding 13 or 14 thousand) had the reputa- 
tion however of being the best pay'd, the best equip'd and the 
most sightly troops of any in Europe." In this fine organization, 
raised against the Duke of Monmouth and still kept up to three 
times the size of the usual standing army, and devoted to the 
king, was Lieutenant Nicholson, a yoimg Tory officer with a 
career before him. James had frequent reviews and parades of 
his foree, and had a great eai'e to favor the papists in it. It 
would have required therefore some moral courage for a mere 
lieutenant to gainsay the royal wish under such circumstances. 
The forms of the Roman Catholic Church were of eourse observed 
in the worship in the sovereign's tent; and one day in July, 
1686, Lieutenant Nicholson was present at the services. To 
kneel when mass was celebrated was to please the king by com- 
plying with Roman Catholic forms ; to refuse to kneel was to 
bring on himself the royal displeasure, and perhaps his dismissal. 



The young officer complied witii the king's requirement, accord- 
ing to the aifidavit of a soldier who " did see Francis Nicholson 
the late lieut. Governor of the fort at New York, Several times 
in the Mass, but especially two times in the King's tent at 
Hounsloheath in old England, being there to perform his devo- 
tions, and did the same upon his Knees before the altar in the 
papist chapel, when the Mass was said." 

It was that act of kneeling in compliance with the demands of 
a king whose chief object was to esteblish the Roman Catholic 
religion instead of the Protestant, which was to give Nicholson 
trouble in America. So far as the records go, it was his only 
papistical act, at any rate, whether an act of faitii or one of 

Lieutenant Nicholson grew in favor at Court. A little later he 
is mentioned as Captain Nicholson, the recipient of £100 bounty. 

Beqius His Amebican CABEtes (1686-1689). 

Nicholson's Colonial career began in Boston in 1686 under 
Sir Edmund Andros. The attention of the Court had been 
drawn to the encroachments of the French upon the territory 
claimed by England in America, and especially to their interfer- 
ence with the New England fisheries. It was therefore determined 
in Privy Council that the New England colonies be united into 
" one entire government, the better to defend themselves against 

The policy of consolidation which Andros, as deputy governor 

under James the Duke of York had recommended in 1678, which 
Charles II. had adopted in 1684, James II. was now to enforce. 
He issued his commission to just the agent fitted to execute his 
arbitrary designs. Sir Edmund Andros, captain-general and gov- 
eruor-in-chief over the " Territory and Dominion of New Eng- 
land in America," whose long American experience, administrative 
ability, irreproachable private character, and soldierly notions of 
prompt obedience to orders, made him unpopular with the Puri- 
tans, but hardly deserving the evil reputation he has inherited. 
To secure Andros in his government of united New England, two 


companies of regular soldiers, chiefly Irish Papists, were raised 
iu Londou, and placed under his orders; and Captain Francis 
Nicholson was put in command of one company. 

Andros and Captain Nicholson sailed for New England in the 
fall, but as Sir Edmund had instructions to settle the affairs c£ 
Bermuda, their frigate, the Kingfisher, did not reach Boston 
until Sunday, December 19, 1686. "On that day, about 7 a. m., 
was spied Sir Edmund's flag in the main top, and great guns 
aonounced his arrival ; next day, Governor Andros in a searlet 
coat laced, and Captain Nicholson attended by a company of 
soldiers, landed at Governor Leveret's wharf about 2 p. m. and 
were met by the president and a great number of merchants and 
otliers, with all the militia of horse and foot," and escorted to tlie 
town-house. There Andros had his commission read, produced 
the great seal and flag, both of a new device for the use of his 
government, took the oath of allegiance and as governor, and 
then, standing with hat on administered the oath to his council- 

A few days later he niet the new council. When they reached 
Boston the weather was serene and moderate ; but the cold 
increased and the Kingfisher was kept all winter in port by the 
ice, and in May, Captain Hamilton her master died. His funeral, 
eight days later, was attended by Samuel Sewall who observes in 
his diary the presence of " Capt. Nicholson's Ked coats and the 8 
Companies." These companies are called by another contempo- 
rary " a crew that began to teach New England to drab, drink, 
blaspheme, curse, and damn ; . . . moving tumult and commit- 
ting insufferable riots ; while their captain exasperated the Bos- 
tonians by averring that the Scabbard of a Red-coat should 
quickly signifie as much as the commission of a Justice of the 

Captain Nicholson's military service in the " Territory and 
Dominion of New England," beyond an expedition to Port Royal 
with the Speedwell, August 6, 1687, to ask of the French gover- 
nor redress of fishermen's complaints, was limited to light 
operations against the Indians, and to upholding Sir Edmund 
Andros in his demand for the surrender of the charters of the 



colonies. Nicholson received a commission, August 23, 1687, 
which added him to the Council of the Dominion. Captain 
Nicholson was indii-cctly connected with a striking incident of 
Sir Edmund Andros' government of the consolidated colonies, 
which, though partly resting on tradition, is yet in general 
historical — the rescue of Connecticut's charter. 

This charter was prized by the men of Connecticut as the 
guarantee of their liberties. They had resisted Dudley's demands 
for it. .When Andros arrived he wrote from Boston that he 
expected the immediate surrender of the Charter. It was not 
surrendered. After some correspondence in a civil tone he sent 
Captain Nicholson the long journey to Hartford to receive the 
Charter from Governor Treat, emphasizing the necessity of com- 
pliance by a hint at the redcoats, remarking that " Captain 
Nicholson hath His Majestie's owne Commission for one of the 
Companys Come with me for His Majestie's service in these 
parts, with whom you may be free, and give Creditt to him in 
anything relating to his Majestie's service." But the Captain 
returned witliout tlic Charter. Then Andros determined to go in 
person and take the Charter, since his letters and his lieutenant 
had failed to get it. Samuel Sewall writes of his setting out from 
Boston on the 26th October, 1687, "with smidry of the Council, 
Justices, and other Grentlemen, four Blew-Coats, two Trumpeters, 
... 15 or 20 Red-Coats with small Guns and short Lances in 
the Tops of them " — about 60 in all. A five days' march brought 
the party unexpectedly to Hartford, where the Assembly was in 
session. After a formal exchange of courtesies, Andros publicly 
demanded the Charter. Governor Treat remonstrated, recalling 
the hardships endured by their fathers to secure the liberties 
granted them by the Charter. The Connecticut patriot had not 
yielded that Charter to Dudley's demand, he had not given it up 
at the written request of King James' Governor-General, nor had 
Captain Francis Nicholson of the king's red-coats obtained it. 
But being present in person Sir Edmund Andros was obdurate. 
The Charter lay on the table before him. The Governor pleaded 
long; it was growing dark; candles were lighted. The crowd 
was dense within and outside the chambers. Suddenly the lights 


were put out. There was sileuce in the assembly. Amid eon- 
fusion the candles were soon relighted; but the Charter was gone. 
It was safe in the hollow old oak. Sir Edmund was foiled. 
Nevertheless Andros assumed the government of the Colony and 
united it to his Territory and Dominion of New England." 
Conneeticut was the last Colony to fall. New England was con- 
solidated under one ruler. 


King Jaraes insisted on govcraing his colonies in America by 
his royal prerogative as " dependencies " of the Crown, and not 
as constituencies of the British empire. He resolved that the 
vigor of absolute monarchy would be safer for the Colonies than 
the discords of the Colonial governments which risked his Ameri- 
can realm. The British Colonies were at stake. New France 
with its undefined territory, was governed by a viceroy, who 
executed the French king's orders. The neighboring British 
territoiy had discordant local administrations. To the Indians 
the French king seemed a greater monarch than James. As long 
as Canada had the strength of union, while the English Colonies 
were separated and inharmonious, so long would France be 
stronger in America than England. 

To establisli supremacy in America James determined 
to unite, not New England only, but all his North American pos- 
sessions under one central government which should be able to 
stand against the encroachments of the French. To carry out this 
policy lie selected Sir Edmund Audros, Governor-General of New 
England, and on the 7th of April, 1688, promoted him to be 
viceroy of the " Territory and Dominion of New England in 
America." Excepting Pennsylvania, all the rest of the British 
territoiy in North America, between the head of Chesapeake Bay 
and Canada, stretching across the Continent, was consolidated 
into the largest political unit under the British Crown, and 
brought for the first time under one royal captain-general and 
governor-in-chief. The seat of the new government was tran- 
sitory ; it might be at Boston or elsewhere, at the Governor's 



discretion, but a depnty-governor was to reside at New York, and 
as governor of New York and the Jerseys, was to be the chief 
executive officer in the captain-general's absence, and to take his 
place in case of liis death. 

Captain Nidiolson was, on April 20, 1688, promoted to be the 
King's "Lieutenant-Governor of New England," with a salary 
of £400 a year. The Commission reached Boston on Jnly 5, and 
on the 19th Andros proclaimed his authority, from the town- 
house balcony, and Nicholson was installed as Lieutenant- 
Governor of the Dominion, with headquarters at New York. 

A fortnight later Andros and Nicholson set out for New York, 
where Andros arrived on Saturday, the lltli, and was proclaimed 
the new Governor ; but at New London Nicholson turned back 
upon hearing of Indian hostilities, and reached Boston again on the 
7th, On his way to Boston Nicholson had passed through the 
Narragausett country, reassured the Indians against the French 
Indians, and " told them that they were now under a great King 
that would protect tiiem from any enemy, provided they did their 
duty to him." In a long letter he tells of the movements of the 
Indians, and his marches against them to the Nipung country, 
covering 230 miles about Boston. 

An interesting feature in Nicholson's career in the Colonies, was 
his contact with the pirates and buccaneers. Piracy is as old as 
naval history. The Phoenicians, Greeks, Romans, and Europeans of 
the Middle Ages passed through the stages of recognizing, regulat- 
ing, and outlawing sea-robbers. Pompey with a large fleet cheeked 
their audacious iusnlt to Rome itself. The great Hanseatie 
League of the thirteenth century was formed chiefly to protect 
the North German cities from the fearful pirates of the Baltic. 
The scourge was not removed from Europe until the feudal 
system fell and law secured the ascendency. As Cilicia in aucient 
times, so Madagascar in the seventeenth century, as also the West 
Indies, were famous haunts of pirates. Envy of Spanish wealth 
and dominion in America supplied a pretext for privateers and 
pirates. These " enemies of the human race " as Cicero declared 
pirates to be, had, in 1630, taken the island of Tortuga, near 
Hispaniola ; and many of them having been originally engaged 


in tlie honest business of " boucaning " or smoking fish and meat 
after the Carib fasliion, they were generally known in Europe as 
" Buccaneers." The Hollanders called them " Zee Rovers " ; tlie 
French and Spanish " Fili-bustiers," the English, "Adventurers " 
or " Frce-booters." The sack of Panama by the Welsh pirate, 
Sir Henry Morgan, in 1671, with a fleet of 39 ships and 2000 
men, gave the command of the Pacific to the buccaneers, who 
spoiled Spanish towns and galleons. The stories of pirates which 
have infested American seas, would make a large volume of keen 
interest. Along the American seaboard there linger tales of the 
terrors that attended sea voyages. Pirates hovered upon every 
coast, and merchantmen were subject to tribute, if not utterly 
plundered, by privateer or pirate. Sometimes in company, 
otleuer as solitary robbers, they spread terror along the courses of 
trade, or even pursued an enemy into a city's harbor, and terror- 
ized the inhabitants by their fighting out their bloody duels in 
sight of its citizens. 

The histoiy of the buccaneers falls into three periods. Until 
the capture of Panama by Morgan they were unmolested by 
government; from 1671 till 1685 they were strongest, operating 
not only among the West Indies, but on the Pacific coast from 
Chile to California. After 1685 there came a period of disunion, 
disintegration, and degeneration into unmitigated vice and cruelty. 
In this period falls the experience of Franeis Nicholson ; and the 
records of our admiralty courts for that period are full of trials 
of pirates, with the most revolting accounts of their cruelties and 
tlieir executions. 

Charles II. had tried to suppress the buccaneers ; but he had 
also knighted the "gallant" Sir Henry Moi^an. It was not 
until 1687 tliat the British Government itself made any practical 
effort for the suppression of piracy. 

Among the instructions given to Andros, in 1686, and to 
Dongan was an order to suppress "all pirates and sea-rovers," 
who had become such a nuisance that, in August, 1687, Sir 
Robert Holmes had been sent with a small fleet " for suppressing 
pirates in the West Indies." Pirates and Sea-rovers coming into 
any of the ports of the Colonies, were to be seized and imprisoned, 


MAEYIjAND histoeical scagazute. 

and their ships and plunder were to be held for the King's deci- 
sion. Sir Robert Holmes was granted for three years all the 
goods and chattels taken by him from pirates or privateers, 
rendering his service one scarcely less of plunder tlian that of the 
pirates themselves. His interest was not to protect commerce and 
the Colonies from pirates, but rather to let the pirates get all the 
treasure they could and then to retake the treasure from them aud 
appropriate it to himself. 

Writing from Boston, August 31, 1688, Captain Nicholson 
relates his first experience with the pirates of New England, who 
made a part of the great world of outlaws. 

In accordance with his instructions, he endeavored to suppress 
the illegal trade with them. He imprisoned "eight men supposed 
to be pyrates " who had belonged to one Peterson, from the crew 
of two famous West India privateers, Yanekey and Jacob. Peter- 
son was cruising off the coast in a barkalonga of ten guns with 
70 men. He was at Rhode Island that summer ; and against him 
Captain George went in the Rose frigate, while Captain Nieholson 
marched overland to his assistance. Peterson escaped. ISIichol- 
son indicted, however, some Rhode Island men who had traded 
with him ; but failed to get the Grand Jury to bring in a true 
bill against them. He also held at Salem some shipmasters to 
be tried for trading with the robbers. These efforts to suppress 
piracy met with little sympathy from the chief men of Massachu- 
setts, and some men Captain Nieholson had imprisoned at Boston 
for the offeuee were the next spring, uuder anodier authority, 
liberated. The illegal trade was too profitable to the New Eng- 
landers to be easily suppressed. Privateers were continually 
fitted out in the British American Colonies, and many buccaneers 
found refuge and encouragement there. The Carolinas, Virginia, 
as well as New York, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, all share 
the odium of this scandalous renown. For many years privateers 
continued to rob the Spanish West ludies, and brought great 
booties to Boston. " This place," wrote Randolph, " was the 
common receptable of pirates of all nations " and efforts to sup- 
press the robbers were regarded as measures to "damp and 
spoil" the commerce of Massachusetts; and to "obstruct their 


constant and profitable correspondence with Foreigners and 
Pirates," was very disagreeable to many persons who had even 
grown old in that way of trade. The chief attraction at Boston 
for the freebooters seemed to have been the Colonial mint, 
established in 1652, of which Samuel Sewall, whose diary has 
been quoted, was onee master. The pirates M'ere eneouraged to 
" bring their plate hither, because it could be coined, and con- 
veyed in great parcells, undiscovered to be such." Once the taste 
for the life of a freebooter had been acquired and the profits of it 
experienced, regular trade and settled labor became dull and 
unattractive. Eveu smuggling was more attractive by reason of 
its spice of risk. There was probably no port on the coast of 
America nor Europe in which could not be found mariners, par- 
doned or unpardoned, who at some time had been engaged in 

In 1689, about the time Nicliolsou wa'i leaving Xcw York, two 
notorious pirates, Thomas Hawkins and Thomas Pound, were 
cruising upon the New England coast, and with great boldness 
committing depredations upon the inhabitants ; but Nicholson was 
then too muck handicapped to take notice of them ; and his 
connection with such troubles remained suspended until his admin- 
istration in Virginia. 

The news of the birth of a Prince of Wales, on June lOtli, 
1688, reached Boston on the 16th of August, about 9 o'clock at 
night, and was enthusiastically received by Nicholson. He took 
pleasure in being the firet to send the information to Andros at 
New York, and wrote, " tho I had it late at night, yett endeav- 
ored to solemnize it as well as the time and this place could 
afford." He issued a proclamation for a general thanksgiving, 
and Sewall says that " from 11 to 1 or 2 was drumming, Bonfire, 
Huzas, small and great Guns, Ringing of Bells, at which many 
startted for fear of fire or an Alarm ; because the thing was so 
sudden. People knew not the occasion." 

About the first of September Nicholson, anxious to be acquainted 
with the Five Nations, set out for Albany where he was ordered 
to meet Governor Andros who had gone up with fifty soldiers in 
a sloop to confer with the Indians, who, it was feared, were 



coming under a dangerous influenee from tlie Freneb. Nichol- 
son went overland by way of Springfield to keep an eye ou 
hostile French Indians. Andros with Nicholson held a stately 
interview with the delegates of the Five Nations in the Albany 
town house. There were harangues by the native orators, and 
adroit replies by the Englishmen ; and mutual friendship was 

Upon his return from Albany, hearing that the Bostonians had 
sent men without his orders to quiet the Indians in Maine, Andros 
set oif overland for Boston, on the 4th of October " to prevent a 
second Indian war." Lieutenant^General Nicholson remainded in 
New York at the head of affairs, assisted by Dongan's forma' 
councillors, Phillipsc, Bayard, Van Cortlandt, Young, and Baxter. 

{To be eondaded.) 


NOYEMBER, 1782. 


Poeomoke November 22".* 1782. 


On tile 12'!^ Ins\ the Barges under my Command lay in 
Onancock, eastern shore of Virginia, when we were apprised of 
five British Barges on the Sea Coast, standing to the Southward, 
and generally supposed intended into our Bay. The barges was 
immediately put in motion and on the 14'.'' Inst arrived at Gwins 
Island, where it was supposed they would rendezvous if they 
eame into the Bay. That night two of the said Barges eame to 
under the East side of said Island. Early on the morning of the 
15* we diseovered each other at about one league distance; as 
soon as we were diseovered the Enemy made down tlie Bay. A 
General ehaee ensued and about 11 A. M. the sternmost Barge 
was brought to by the Defence Capt" S. Fraizer ; proves to be 
manned with Sixteen men and Com* by a ecrtain Daniel I. 
Brooks (lafee of Dorchester County). We eontinue chace after 
the other then in sight, chased her without Cape Charles, and 
under Smith's Island discovered two other Barges. Gave chace 
but they had so great a Start that it was impossible to eome up 
with them before dark. At 6 P. M. gave over Chaee by whicli 
time we had chased them out of Wreck-Island Inlet to Sea, which 
lays abt five leagues to the Northward of Cape Charles. I am 
iiiform'd they have since rendezvouzed at Chingoteague and are 
tliere now, waiting as it's supposed for onr Barges to go up; 
however am determined to continue as long as I possibly can, 
and have not the least doubt of frustrating any attempt they may 
make on this Bay. 



Wc took two Lieut? belonging to the two Barges routed from 
Smitli's Island, one of which I have taken the liberty of sending 
as an exchange for L! Geo: Grison who was unfortunately taken 
prisoner when Comodore Grison fell. The other is one Peter 
Franks (a Portuguee) who is notoriously known to be at and 
Privie to almost every House burnt in this State and on the 
Eastern Shore of Virginia. I have taken the Liberty of sending 
two others in exchange of two men active with . I 

must request you would acquaint the Grovemor and Council of 
our proceedings. 

I am Sir, 

with very much respect 
Your mo: Ob' Hum' Ser* 

Zedekiali Walley. 

Account of Capt. Frazibe. 

Novcm"; 27'? 1782. Lying in Onancock Accom!', Virginia, 
lyind at S, saw 7 sail standing up the bay. The Comodore give 
the signal for the fleet to \veio;li and stood for them, bat night 
coming on was not able to discover what they were. Stood into 
Wat's Island harbour and anchoi''d. 

2S^ Early this morning saw several sail at Anchor under the 
lower Tangcr Island which we took to be the same that we Dis- 
covered the Evening before, but the wind blowing strong at N. 
W. was not able to Discover what they were, but supposed them 
to be British Barges, as we had frequent Informations they were 
coming in the bay. The Comodore consulted the Officers and it 
was agreed from their superior number to ours to Dispatch an 
Express to the L' of Accomack County to fit out a Barge that 
was Lying at Onancock and raise Volunteers to man her and the 
Barge we took from the Enemy and join our fleet. On the 
Evening of the same day, as the Messenger had not returned, 
the Comodore give orders to get under way and run into Onan- 
cock. At his arrival there was Informed that the Onancock 
Barge would be ready early in the morning, and volunteers ready 
to man her and the Langodoe. 


29* Comodore Desired me to man the Defence with 40 pickt 
men from the fleet and proceed with as much Expedition as 
Possible to Tanger Island to reconoiter the Enemy. On my 
arrival there saw no sail of any sort, but Landed at one Crocket's 
under English Colours and made even^ enquiry after the Ameri- 
can Barges. He luformd me that he knew notliing of them but 
had seen 5 of tliem Lying uudcr Wat's Island the day before. 
He farther told that 6 Barge^ had Left his House early that 
morning and stood for Fox X nd up Tanger Sound, and told 
him they shou'd stop at Cager 3traits that night. After being 
well Informed of their number and Force returned to meet the 
Coinodore. At 4 P. M. joined the Com. between Wat's Island 
and Onancock with the Ouancock Barge and Langodoc and the 
Other Barges then under way after me. Informed the Comodore 
the enemy's number and strength. He ordered the Onancock 
Barge back as she cou'd not keep up with iis, and a number of 
Gentlemen Volunteers came on board of the Different "Vessels of 
our fleet. At 9 A. M. anchored off Fox's Island and sent the 
Langodoc on shore with Samuel Handy 2* L^ of the Comodore' s 
Barge Comandcr, to know if the Enemy had stopt there on their 
way up the sound. On his return Informed us the Enemy left 
there at 2 o'Clock that Afternoon and stood towards Cager Straits. 
The fleet weighed and stood up the sound. At 4 A. M. fleet 
anchored, Cager Straits bearing W somewhat Northwardly. 

SO'? 6. A. M. saw 5 sail in the Entrance of that Place. Our 
Barges at this time Drawing their rations on board the Flying 
Fish. Comodore gave Orders as soon as we had got our rations 
for our fleet to make sail and give chase. Ordered me at the 
same time if possible to bring them to Action. Asked the 
Comodore in what Position he wou'd wish to engage in. S* he 
did not think they wood engage us all, but if they shou'd and 
form a line he wou'd wish to form the same way the Enemy did. 
At this time our fleet in chase, the Enemy Appeared to be under 
easy sail standing through the straits from us. Agreeable to 
Orders pushed ahead about half Mile from the Comodore, Capt. 
Dashield next to me, Capt. Speddin next, Comodore next, Lango- 
doc next, Flying Fish some distance aiste-n. At 8 A. M. saw the 



Enemy take in sail and form the Line with 5 Barges and row a 
light stroke towards me. The Other Barge of the Enemy's row'd 
some distance to the right as if she did not intend to engage at 
all. Come in About 200 yd? of the Enemy's Baizes and saw 
them Hoist their Colors still keeping the Line, coming Bow on. 
Took in sail, Hoisted my Colours. Capt. Dashield rowed round 
and fell in the rear of the Comodore and Capt: Speddin, Langodoo 
some distance astern of him. At Idiis time the Enemy began a 
Heavy fire from their 5 Barges on me. Comodore and Capt. 
Speddin Coming up on my Larboai-d Quarter, I baekt slowly 
astern to form the Line with them. Before we formed the Line 
received Two more fires from the Enemy's Barges whieh I re- 
turned with all the Guns eou'd bring to bear on tliem. Eeeeived 
3 cheers from the Comodore and Gentlemen on board him. Capt. 
Speddin and the Comodore had begun to fire on the Enemy's 
Barges then being in the Line with rac, Comodore on the Left, 
Capt. Speddin in the Center, and myself to the right. At this 
time a brisk fire from both sides was kept np. Discovered a fire 
broke out on board the Comodore near his Mizenmast and saw a 
number of Gentlemen Jump Overboard from his stern sheets. 
Capt. Speddin at this time on the Comodore's Larboard Quarter, 
Capt. Dashield and Langodoe astern. Was Informed on board 
that a second fire had broke out in the Comodore's Barge. On 
turning round to look at the fire Observed a number of men 
Jump Overboard. Two of the Enemy's Barges row'd to board 
him, the other 3 Barges kept a constant fire on my Barge. Was 
Informed by my 1'.'^ L! that Capt. Dashield and Langodoc and 
-Flying Fish were retreating as fast as they eou'd, Capt. Speddin 
still on the Comodore's Larboard Quarter and astern with all 3 
of their Barges rowing on to board me. Rowed round, never 
discovered any signals for continuing the Action or to retreat. 
Thought it best to make the best of my way from the Enemy, 
Capt. Speddin retreating near the same time. The Comodore at 
this time boarded by the Enemy and his Colours struck, with one 
Barge along side of his Barge, the other 5 in Chase of us. Capt. 
Dashield bore away up the sound, Capt. Speddin and Myself 
following him, Flying FM. md Langodoe stea^ng towards the 


main, at 2 P. M. out of sight. Enemy's Barges still Keeping up 
the Chase, coming up with Capt: Speddin very fast. Lowered 
my mainsail down and spoke him and told him wou'd not leave 
him. At 4 P. M. Enemy gave over chase being then at the 
upper enteranee of Hooper's Straits. Cajjt. Speddin, Dashield and 
myself had joiued Company. Stood into Choptanek that night 
and was detained by wind and weather till Deeemf 31 Capt. 
Speddin and myself weighed at 11 A. M. Toods point. Capt. 
Dashield had Left us. At 7 that night arrived Annapolis Dock. 

Account of Capt. Speddin. 

Novf 30'.'> '82. Fox Island. 6 A. M. went on board the 
Flying Fish and drew our rations. Observed at this time 5 of the 
Enemy's Barges Lying in Cager Straits. The Comodore gave 
Orders to weigh. Between 7 and 8 A. M. gave ehase. Capt: 
Erazier and Dashield Led the Van, myself, Comodore, Sam'. 
Handy in the Langodoe and a small boat belonging to Onaneoek 
manned with Volunteers. Capt. Frazier and C. Dashield eome 
within a small distanee of the Enemy. Position of the Enemy 
was 5 Barges abreast of each other rowing Head on. Advancing 
slowly. At this time Capt. Dashield rowed round and fell in the 
rear of the Comodore's Barge and myself. About this time the 
enemy gave Capt: Frazier several Fires, he did not return it 
till about the time I had formed the Line with him, fired my 
6 pounder and bursted her the first fire, the Enemy still coming 
head on. My 1'.' L* Informed me of it. Gave him Orders to 
load her and try the remainder tliat was left. Fired her twice 
afterwards and found her Insufficient. Run out my 2-12 pound- 
ers on my starboard side that I might bring all my guns to bear. 
By this time the Comodore had eome up. Hallowed to him that 
I had lost my bow Gun and could not fire her nor Engage unless 
it was with my side to the Enemy. He gave me Orders to keep 
close to him. At this time he was shooting ahead which Obliged 
me to fall on his Larboard Quarter. A little before this the 
Comodore gave the Enemy several heavy fires from his 18 



pounders ahead wliich Checkt the Enemy. I gave them a fire 
from my 2- 12 pounders, 2- 4 howitzers, one Swivel and Volley 
of Muskets. By this time the Comodore was blown up. Did not 
see him myseli^ but saw a number of men Overboard. A small 
time after this saw 2 of the Enemy's Barges Board him on his 
Starboard and Larboard Bow and soon got possession of his 
Barge. At the time I saw the Enemy's Barges Board him, gave 
Orders to Board the Enemy's barge that was next to me but my 
men was much Confused and wou'd not row alongside the Barge. 
At the same time saw Capt. Dashield retreating as fast as he 
could and 2 Barges close aboard of Capt. Frazier. Gave Orders 
to retreat. Seeing 2 of the Enemys Barges giving Chase after 
Capt. Frazier, run out a 12 pounder out of my Tjarboard Quarter 
and gave them a fire witli grape which Occasioned me to get 
ahead directly. Got my Stern to bear on them and gave them a 
Stern Chase with grape. Capt. Frazier close along side of me 
was the means of the 2 swiftest of their Barges not coming up 
witli mc. The Chase continued about 30 Miles. Never spoke 
Capt. Dashield till the chase was over. 

Levin Speddin. 

Coii. Geokge Dashiell to Goveenob Paca. 

Somerset County 5'? Decf 1782. 


Since the Action on Saturday last between Comodore Walley 
and British barges I have not been able to obtain authentic 
intelligence before this day, wlieii Mf Samuel Handy (who com- 
manded a small American barge and was privey to the Action) 
retum'd from the Enemy. He went over with a flagg on Tuesday 
last. I doubt not but Your Excellency have been made ac- 
quainted with the force on eacl) side and manner of Attack, by our 
barges who I presume went immediately to Annapolis after the 
Action. In the heat of Action the Pi'otedor's magazine was 
blown up. This circumstance is to be attributed to the Gunner's 
unfortunately breaking a cartridge as he handed it out of the 
chest. By the comodores orders he wet the powder that was spilt. 


but not sufficiently to prevent its taking fire, which was occasioned 
by the flash of one of her small arms, to the great prejudice of 
the crew, numbers being kill'd and wounded by it, and the whole 
thrown into general consternation — They fought with the greatest 
bravery until over powered by numbers were obliged to surrender, 
after which they were most cruelly murdered and thrown over 
board by the negroes. None of the dead was carried to the 
shore, but the comodore and Lieu^ Handy, JJ^umbers of the 
Wounded are carried to Onancock, Amongst whom are Col? Crop- 
per and Cap^ Levin Handy. The latter it is to be feared is 
mortally wounded in the head with a cutlass, four of the privates 
which belonged to this county has returend home badly wounded, 
I have employed a physician to attend them which conduct I hope 
will meet your Excellency's approbation. The whole of our 
people that fell into the hands of the Enemy is paroled, and the 
enemy's wounded is sent to Onancock to be attended by Physi- 
cians in Virginia. The Enemy's loss was considerable. Twenty-two 
men was kill'd and wounded on board Comodore Kidd's barge, 
and a Captain Allen on board the Banger. Mf Samuel Handy in 
a small barge with eight men, and Capt Bryant in the Flying Fish 
got safe into Annemessix, where they both continue. Capt. 
Bryant has stript his vessel and sent his sails &;c on shore. He 
has a considerable quantity of provission on board. I have wrote 
him this day, and advised him to land it, and have directed 
Cap! King to remove it from the Water. The Enemy's barges lie 
in Cager Streights. From the uncertainty of your receiving 
satisfactory intelligence of the Action our loss &c I have thought 
it advisable to write you by express on the Subject. — I have the 
Honor to be 

Your Excellencies M? Obedt ServJ 
George Dashiell. 

Capt. Robert Dashiell to Governor Paca. 

Annapolis S*? DecemT 1782. 


In compliance with your requisition I will endeavour to give 
you as minute a detail of the engagement between our Barges and 



those of the Enemy on the 30* Ult° and all the circumstances 
attending the same, as eame within my notice. 

Our Barges lay off Jean's Island the morning of the engage- 
ment. About 8 o'clock we discovered six of the Enemys Barges 
lying at anchcr in Cargo's Straights about teu miles west of us. 
We all got under way and directed our course for them ; they 
rowed off about a mile and then formed a line and came up 
towards us. No settled Plan of attack was agreed upon. I had 
received orders formerly from Cap! Walley to bring up the rear 
whenever we shou'd come to Action. Capt. Frazier's Barge got 
up within 200 yards of the Enemy and I followed him with an 
intention to detain them nntill onr Barges all came up. Two of 
their Barges began a fire upon Frazier and gave him three fires, 
the last of which he returned — by this time onr other Barges 
came up and I fell back in the rear of Capl Wally, the station 
assigned me. Capt Frazier retreated off the Starboard quarter 
of Capt Walley and Capt Speddin lay off the larboard Quarter, 
rather nearer the Enemy. Cap! Speddin now began a fire upon 
the Enemy and bursted a six Pounder. Cap! Wallcy then pushed 
forward, gave them three or four fires from the 18*!* Cannon and 
his Magazine aft took fire and blew up. Several men went over- 
board. I was at this time rowing up to form upon the left of 
Cap! Spedding. The Magazine on board of Cap! Walley took 
fire a second time and blew up Midship. The Enemy imme- 
diately boarded and took Possession of this Barge. A few fires 
from their whole force were then directed against us within a few 
yards of the Enemy. Capt" Spedden returned their fire and 
retreated. Circumstances were such after the loss of Cap! Wallcy 
as to render it necessary to secure a retreat, which was accordingly 
done by each remaining Barge. The Enemy gave chacc and pur- 
sued us to Hooper's Straights, where they gave up the pursuit. 
Here we all joined and onr Provisions being exhausted, men 
sickly, and badly cloadied, it was determined to come to this 
place. We theu stood up the Bay and eame to anchor that night 
at Cooke's Point in the Mouth of Choptank River. Next morn- 
ing I fired a Gun and got under way and stood up the Bay. On 
the evening of the 1'.' lus! eame to anchor at Poplar Island, but 


neither of the other Barges joined me. The morning of the 
iS? Ins! fired a Gun, got under way and stood up the Bay for 
Annapolis where I arrived about 6 o'clock in the afternoon. 

I am 

M? (M Servant 

EoB?^ Dashiell. 

Col, Henry Dennis to Governor Paca. 

Worcester County December 5* 1782 


You will receive by the bearer of this (Col? Challe) from 
Col? Crapper of Accomack County Virginia, a full Account of 
the Aetiou fought bet%veen Commodore Walley, and the refugee 
Barges ; which will prove much to the prejudice of Capti' Spedd- 
ing, Frazicr atid Dashiell. However I am perswaded from the Idea 
that I myself the Commodore and the Officers under his command 
entertained of the bravery exhibitted by Capt? Spedding, and 
Frazier on some other Occasions, that they will be able to give 
reasons that will in some measure alleviate the sensures that they 
now labour under from Col? Crapper and many others of the most 
respectable characters in Accomack County (who was Volunteers 
on board the Commodore's Barge and whose accounts all eorrobo- 
rate with those from the people belongii^ to her) however I can't 
coneeive any reason w'^f' they will be able to give why they did 
not go to the assistance of the Commodore after losing his ma^- 
zine, when they saw he still continued to make the most obstinate 
defence, and kuowing two of their Barges to be able to fight the 
whole of the Enemys then in Action. Tlie force of the Commo- 
dore was doubly superior to the Enemy^s, and the men that was 
on board the Commodore's barg:e say tliat after losing their Mag- 
azine had they had fifty effective men that the Enemy never 
would have taken them. 

The situation of the people iu this and Somerset Counties is 
truly distressing, for the Enemy are now able to continue their 
depredations in any part of them, and in this County there is 


neither Arms or Ammunition were the Militia disposed to make 
use of them (very few of which are, had they them) for the 
Ammunition that was fiirois'ied to the County heretofore has to 
my knowledge been given out to the Militia at different times and 
consumed by them in a very improper manner — The wounded 
men that I have seen from the Commodore's Barge says that there 
is a constant Intercourse kept up I)etween the Inhabitants of the 
Islands in our State as well those of Virginia ; that while they 
were prisoners on board the Enemies Barges that Inhabitants 
Voluntarily came off to them in numbers and gave tliem every 
information they were capable of. I am still much eonfused from 
this late misfortune our Fleet has met with, therefore must beg 
you'll exeuse inaeeuracys and 

Am Sir Your most Obed^ Humble Serv! 

Heney Dennis. 

Lieut. Cropper to Governor Paca. 

Accomack county, Virginia, 6'? December 1782. 


At the request of Captain Levin Handy I talce the liberty of 
giving your Excellency a brief narrative of the action of the 30'^ 
of November ultimo, between the barges of your State and those 
of the enemy. On the 29*^ I went on board the fleet with about 
twenty five volunteers of the Accomack militia, by desire of 
Commodore Wally, and on the 30'V the action was fought. The 
greatest part of the militia were on board the schooner Captain 
Brian, two or three were on board Frasier and Speddin, and my- 
self and six others were with the Commodore. The fight com- 
menced about ten o'clock and lasted about twenty five minutes. 
The Commodore's orders were for all the barges to keep up in 
line of battle, he sayed that he wou'd bear down upon the strongest 
of the enemy, and told the other barges by all means to support 
him. Captain Frasier and Speddin fired a few round shot at long 
distance, rowed about and run away ; Captain Dashiell I believe 
never fired a shot, but kept at the distance of two hund'^ yards 
astern of the Protector and run off before the other two ; Captain 


Sam! Handy never fired a shot and run off nighly at the same 
time ; Captain Brien never got up at all ; and a six oared boat 
from Onancoek never got up at all. — It is a painful task for Me 
who entertained an exceeding high opinion of some of the Cap- 
tains, to speak so freely of them, but love for my country, and the 
justiee due to the memory of die brave Commodore, and his brave 
erew, oblige Me to say that, (la my humble opinion) there never 
was before upon a like occasion so much cowardice exhibited. 
TLcy may possibly have reasons for their conduct that I know 
nothing of ; if any of them have, I hope they will forgive me. — 
This conduct, Sir, brought on us the fire of the whole enemy, 
which was severe, and it was as severely returned by the Protector 
until die enemy were within fifty yards, when our eighteen pound 
cartridges eatcht fire amidships ; the explosion of which burned 
two or three people to death, caused five or six more all afire to 
leap overboard, and the alarm of the barge's blowing up made 
several others swim for their lives. The enemy almost deter- 
mined to retreat from our fire as they told us afterwards, took 
new spirit at our disaster and pushed up with redoubled fury. 
On the other hand our crew opposed them with the most daring 
resolution ; there was a continual shower of musket bullets, pikes, 
cold shot, cutlasses, and iron stantials for eight or ten minutes, 
till greatly overpowered by numbers, and having all the oflficcrs 
of the barge killed and wounded we surrendered, after having 
wounded their Commodore, killed one Captain, wounded another, 
killed and wounded several inferior officers, and killed and 
wounded eighteen of the barge's crew that first boarded us (the 
Kidnapper'^. Commodore Wally was killed at or near the long 
18 pound';, acting the part of a cool, intrepid gallant ofSeer ; 
Captain Joseph Handy fell near the same part, nobly fighting 
though he had lost one arm some time before ; Captain Levin 
Handy saved his life, but deserves no less said of him than has 
been said of the others — in short, there was not one man on board 
the Protedor but what behaved well. After the surrender I 
entered into an agreement to take sueh of the enemy's wounded 
ashore as chose to go, and have them taken care of at my ex- 
penee, upon condition that they won'd let all our prisoners and 



woundefl go ashore also ; therefore I will be very glad that your 
government will pay Me for the medicine, provision, and attend- 
ance of sncli men as belong to the State of JNIaryland, and doubt 
not but our government will pay Me for the Virginia and 
Enemy's wounded. I have the honor to subscribe myself, 

Your Excellency's most obedient hnmblc Servant 

John Croppeu juN? 
County Lieutenant Accomack. 

I'. S. — I have inclosed to Captain Levin Handy a list of the 
prisoners, killed and wounded, that gentlemans being badly 
wonnded prevented his obtaining a list before he left Onancock, 
and I am so ill of my wounds at this time that I can scarcely 

J. C. 

Col. Eobebt Done to Goveenor Paca. 

Snowhill December 7*1? 1782 
His Excellency W".' Paca EsqF Governor 

As it is probable you are yet in the dark respecting the Engage- 
ment between Commodore Walley and the Britisli Barges, have 
taken the liberty to give yon the intelligence I have received from 
Cap? Levin Handy, who was an officer on board the Protector ; 
and at whose request I now address you, as he is unable from his 
wounds to do it himself. He received seven wounds in the 
Action but none of them supposed to be mortal. On Saturday 
last the Commodore after receiving a considerable reinforcement 
of Gentlemen Volunteers from Accomack ; set out from Onancock 
to attack the Enemy, after receiving the strongest assurances from 
the Commanders of the other Barges to stand by and support him 
to the last. The Commodore, Frazier and Spaddin soon came to 
Action Avith them ; the Commodore was attacked by two of their 
strongest Barges, aad was soon left to the mercy of the whole. 


He had the misfortune to Lave two of his Ammunition Chests 
blown up just before they laid him on board ; which blew up a 
considerable number of his men and put the rest into a good deal 
of coufusiou. The Aetion then beeame desperate, aud Frazicr 
and Spaddin went off without offering any further assistance. As 
for Dashiell, Capt. Handy and other Gentlemen on Board the 
Protector say that to their Imowledge he never fired a Gun ; and 
tho' able to go ahead of them, gradually dropt astern and most 
shamefully deserted them. The Commodore depended much on 
Frazier aud Spaddin : how their Conduct will appear upon an 
enquiry into the matter, time can only determine : but at present 
every Gentleman that has survived of the Commodore's unfortu- 
nate Crew (and even the Enemy themselves) reprobate it. Out 
of the Protector's Crew only eight escaped, but were either killed 
or wounded; all of the wounded siuce dead. How many were 
killed, I cannot exactly inform you : but I fear a great proportiou. 
The Commodore fell nobly, never did man shew more coolness, 
courage and good conduct than he did to the last : inspired with 
the love of liberty, and the glorious prospect of revenging in some 
manner the injuries and insults of his Country, he fell a sacrifice 
to the most abandou'd and iuhiunan wi'etches that ever disgraced 
the name of man. Poor Cap! Joseph Handy (his first Lieutenant) 
tho' inferior in Command fell with equal bravery: after having, 
one Arm broke he still continued to fight with the other 'till 
death put an end to his noble career. Captain Christian (a 
Grentlcman Volunteer fi-om Virginia) shou'd not be forgot : he 
too behaved with the greatest bravery, but was unfortunate 
enough to receive a wound of which he is since dead. Col". Crop- 
per of Virg* and a number of other Gentlemen Volunteers from 
that quarter were wounded, but none of them supposed to be 
mortally so. The Protector's men from the brave Commander 
doAvn to the lowest Station on board (a very few exceptions) 
behaved as well as any men on Earth cou'd have done, and 
Cap! Handy is of opinion if their Ammunition Chests had not 
blown up ; that unsupported or betrayed as they were, they shou'd 
have got the better of the Aetion. Capt. Handy requests me to 
inform your Excellency that he has incurred an expence of about 



£120 in having our wounded men dressed and attended to in 
Virginia where they were put on shore, which he earnestly 
requests may be remitted liim by Col° Chaille who will hand this 
to your Excellency. The whole of our men that are alive are 

I have the honor to be your Excellency's 
most obed^ ServJ 

KoBT. Done. 

Capt. Levin Handy to Governor Paca. 


I make no doubt, but before this you have been informed of 
Commodore Walley's misfortune ; however it is probable it may 
be imperfect as I am the only OlSccr from the Commodore to 
the Gunner's Mate that survived, dball endeavour to relate the 
Circumstances as nearly as my memory will admit. On Wednes- 
day the 27*? of ISTovF we lay in Onancock, where we had been 
Wind bound for several Days, which detained us from pushing 
after the Enemy, who we were informed was on the Sea side at 
Chingotegue Island, but the Wind which detained us brought 
them into the Chesepeake. The number of Barges we had an 
Acc^ of were six. On Wednesday the Day above mentioned, we 
got out of ODancocIj about 1 P. M. in order to meet a small 
Privateer, which we were informed was laying off Watt's Island 
with four Prizes. 

As soon as we cleared Ouancock Barr we discovered seven Sail 
baring S S W; which we soon discovered to be Barge-rigged one 
of which had the appearance of a Galley. Capt. Bryau in our 
supply Boat, making much better weather than us stood near 
tiiem, and on his return informed us that it was his Opinion, that 
one was a Galley, which confirmed a Report we had of a Galley 
joining them. They stood their course for the Tangier. 

It was then generally concluded, (tho' must confess contrary 
to the Commodore's or my own opinion) to push after them to 
the Tangier Coast, where it was supposed they would come to. 
Upon finding it would be impossible to gain them before night, 


I was mueli against pushing them, and gave sueh Reasous to the 
Commodore, that he determiued not to risque an Engagement in 
the night : (I imagine if I had ne\'er seen anything of the kind 
in the night, I might have been as anxious as any other Officer ; 
but from what I had experieueed when in the Laud Service, 
couvinced me that Expeditions iu the night gave a slioek to the 
greatest Veteran). It was then eoneluded to make Watt's Island 
Harbour which was from the Enemy's plaee of rendezvous, about 
three leagues, aud about 7 P. M. eame to in the Harbour before 
mentioned in a Gale of Wind at S. W. It was the Commodore's 
intention to reeonnoiter the Enemy the next Day and endeavour 
to gain their force ; if a Galley was among them he was deter- 
mined not to attaek them, but if only the six Barges which we 
had gained every Information of that ^vas neeessary, and being 
convinced they were not able to stand our force, it was the detcr- 
miuation of the Commodore to make an Attaek, there not being 
a doubt among any of the Officers, but we were very able to drub 
them ; and some of the Officers were sanguine enough to think, 
we ought to attack, if there was a Galley among them. However 
the Wind being at N. W. on the next Day put it out of our 
power to reconnoitre the Enemy as they lay almost in the Wind's 
eye from us. In the Evening it was concluded to return to 
Onaneoek, whieh Harbour we reached a little before dark. The 
Commodore sent an Express to Col. John Cropper, eommanding 
Offieer of Aeeomae County, soliciting a few Men in order to eom- 
pleatly Man our Barges and as well a Barge or Galley that be- 
longed to Aeeomae and then in Onancock. The next Morning 
(Friday) being moderate the Como! dispatched the Defence, Cap- 
tain Frazier, to reeonoitre the Enemy. At 10 A. M. Col. Cropper 
joined us Avith about fifty Militia, which compleatly manned the 
Onancock Barge. We then got under way and stood out and 
about 1 P. M. eame to without the Barr, where we were to await 
the returu of Capt. Frazier aud about 3 he joiued us and said he 
had been in the Harbour where the Enemy had been two nights 
last ; and that we might rest assured there was only six Barges 
and that the seventh sail which we saw was a Prize to them, and 
that they had that Morning got under way and stood up Tangier 



Sound. Upon this Information it was conclnded to discharge the 
Onaucock Galley and only take such Volunteers as would aet on 
board onr State Barges. Col? Cropper and sundry other Gent? 
came on board the Commodore, who near or fidly manned us. 
Abont 4 P. M. got under way and stood up the Sound and 
manned a small Barge which we took from the Euemy on the 
16'!' Nov', the Command of which was given to 12 Snml Handy 
of the I'rotedor. At aW 10 P. M. came to off Fox's Island. I 
was then ordered by the Com* on board of JJ. S. Handy to go on 
Shore and gain what Intelligence I conld of the Euemy. I 
accordingly landed and was informed the British Barges passed 
there that xVftcmoon and stood for Cager's Straits. At 4 P. M. 
Saturday Momiug got uuder way and stood up the Sound. At 
Daylight scut on board a small Schooner which lay above Jam's 
Island to gain iuformation, who informed us that the British 
Barges certainly lay in Cager's Straits as he had seen their liglits 
just at the break of Day. 

The Commodore then informed the other Barges of the same 
and let them know it was his Opinion the Enemies Barges' push 
would be at him, and requested they would take notice and sup- 
port him ; which they all positively declared they Vvould do or all 
sink together. At 8 A. M., we discovered the Enemies Barges 
under way standing from us, as we supposed endeavouring to 
make their escape ; however they soon hove to. We then knew 
they meant to make battle, and contiuued onr Course, bearing 
down on them. At about half past 9 A. M. the action com- 
menced at long shot between our Barges and the Enemies, but 
reserved oiu* shot from our long 18 Pounder until we thought it 
was in our Power with ronnd and Grape to sink them ; however 
it had not the desired effect, tho' it gave them a considerable 

Onr Long 18 was but twice fired, when by Accident one of our 
Ammunition Chests blew up which confused us greatly; we dis- 
charged her aftenvards and before Ave could charge aud direct her 
again, three of the Enemies Barges were along side ; when the 
second Ammunition Chest took fire which caused several of our 


]\Ien to jump overboard and disabled many others. Upon that, 
and seeing our Barges did not give us the Assistance we expected, 
and they falhng astern, I spoke to the Commodore and asked him 
if he thought we had not better strike ; who returned for answer, 
he should not. I then gave all the attention to my Musquetry in 
my Power, everything being in the greatest confusion. The 
Ammunition which blew up belonged to the short 18 Pounders in 
our side which rendered them useless. The Commodoi'e fell 
shortly after their Musquetry began to play upon ns, and 
U, Joseph Handy fell near the conclusion of the Action. We 
being much overpowered and our Men ehiefly drove from their 
Quarters, the general cry was on board for quarter, which our 
Enemy positively refused. We were soon boarded by their Blacks 
and little mercy shcwu to any of us. 

I received seven Woiuids, but am happy to inform you none 
are mortal. 

I am at a loss to know what to think of Frazer and Spcddon : 
their behaviour was exceedingly odd, tho' I do not believe they 
are Cowards. As to Dashiell I pi'onounce him a Coward, and as 
such I hope he will be treated. L! Sam! Handy who had the 
conim.'md of the small Barge I belicYc did as well as he could : 
he never left us (altho' he could do us little good) until all the 
other Barges were on the flight. Captain Bryan in the supply 
Boat was to have been up, but was prevented by the Breeze's 
falling, which was, I believe, fortunate, as I am doubtful he never 
could have got off. I desire Col. Done to write for some Cash to 
be sent to me in order to defray some Expences that have incurred 
since our being captured ; which I am in hopes to receive by Col. 
Chaille. U. S. Handy waits on your Excellency with this and 
likewise a pay bill for three Months pay which I beg may 
be paid to him, as the men who are left chiefly spoke to me 
to act for them. Inclosed you have a List of the killed, 

As soon as I am able to ride, shall do myself the Honour of 

waiting on your Excellency, I must beg you would excuse any 
Incorrectness in this, as you may rest assured I have not been 



able to set up as long since I rec*. my wounds, as I have since I 
began this Letter. 

I am your Excellencys 
Most OW Huml Serv? 

Levin Handy. 

Snow Hill IS*? Deer 1782. 

NB. It was generally supposed 

the Action lasted 25 Min*? 

L. H. 

List of Kill'd and wounded on board the Barge Protector. 

Zedckiah Walley, Comm*.' 
Joseph Handy, 1^' 1}. 

Capt. Geo. Christian, Volun*r from Accomack 
Charles Fouruier, Gunner & 
Seven Privates. Total 11. 

Levin Handy & 
25 Privates 

two of which since dead. 26. 

Accomack Volunteers Wounded 
Col? John Croper 
Major Smith Snead 
Capt. W? Snead 
John Revel. 4. 

Capts. Feazier and Spbddin to Governor Paca. 


Several Letters have lately been recev*. by your Excellency 
from Somerset and Worcester county giving an Account of the 
late unfortunate engagement with the British Barges which reflect 
the highest dishonor on our conduct. We are convinced that by 
having a full and impartial enquiry into the Circumstances of that 
Day's transactions Our Judges cannot fail to acquit us, and we 
no\Y most Earnestly Solicit your Excellency to appoint some 
speedy mode of Enquiry, for till that can be done, our reputations 


are suffering the Lowest censure. I have the Hon' to be your 
Excel? most Obed^ and very Hum! Serv^ 

Solomon Fkaziee. 

Levik Speddin. 

12* Decmr 1782. 

British Peisonebs. 

List of the Prisoners belonging to the Barge Jolly Tarr, Com- 
manded by Daniel I. Brooks, captured on the 15*? November 

Daniel I. Brooks (Commander) 

Jacob Extinc, Prize Master, late a L! on board of 1 

Wayland, (says he's been exchanged) j 
Samuel Outten, pi-izemaster, late a Cap^ of a barge 

taken on Delaware, sent to Dover Goal j broke 

from the Centrv and made his escape. 
George Frost, sent in exchange for a man active 

with us. 
James Dickson, Paroled 

James Williams, A Deserter from G«n} Smallwood 
William Bass 
Charles Baker 
Thomas Morgan, Paroled 
John Stansberry 
Michael Poor, Paroled 
5 Negros retained on board the Barges 
L! John Curry, of the Jackall, exchanged 
Lt Peter Franks (of the Victory^ 





[The following papers relating to the resistance to the Stamp Act, are taken 
from documents in the Public Kecord OflSce, London, transcripts of which were 
procured through the agency of Messrs. R F. Stevens and Brown, of London, 
and presented to the Maryland Historical Society by Richard D. Fisher, Esq.] 

Extract of a Letter from Zachary Hude, Distributor of 
Stamps for the Province of Maryland, dated at New York, 
Sept. 23, 1765. 

Our Province (Maryland) is extreamly heated. They have 
cut an Officer of the Sender in a shocking manner, pull'd down 
my House, and obliged me to flie (with a single Suit) or expect 
tlie same Fate as the Officer. 

Extract of Letter from James Parker, an Officer in the Cus- 
toms at iS'ew York, Sep. 22, 1765. 

Commotions about Stamp Act. tliiuks many Americans will 
die rather than submit. Fermentations mostly to the eastward. 


Intelligence from the Colonies, relating to the Stamp Act. 

From Benjamin Franklin. 
Read Nov"". 26, 1765. not to be entered in the minutes. 
Amer^ Cont^ 

New York Nov"; 10'? 1765. 


Be pleased to acquaint the Honorable the Commissionere that 
I have recdved my Deputation and Instructions, which will 
strickly follow whenever it is in my power. 

■ The Stamps are to be sent in a Man of War to Maryland, as 



they are in safety I apprehend nothing more eann be don, untill 
tlie Law is Generally Complied with in the other Colonies, for to 
Distribute them from a Ship of War as Intended, it will not 
admit of, as Times now are, and from the Spirit that is in 
America, it might still Increase it. Governor Colden has binn 
oblig'd to deliver up the Stamps to prevent the Fatell Conse- 
quences. I have received no letters with the particulars of 
Parcels of Stamp Parchment and Paper Consigned me (in M"". 
John Hughes Bill Ladiug) if any sent they are distroyed, which 
is the fate of all letters for me, meats witli in Maryland. 

I perceive by my Instructions, I am to appoint Sub-Distribu- 
tors in every Town and Country in the Province, this will requir 
a large Stock of Stamp Paper to lodge a sufficient at each place, 
ou the other side is the sorts that the Graitest Quantitee will be 
wanted for whenever the Law is Inforced. It will be some time 
before there will be such Men got as may be depended upon, 
for Sub-Distributors, for everything will be done to prevent it, 
and a Number of Complaints will follow from those very people 
who is the Cause of it, It will not be in my power of Attending 
in Person at each place, it would be remissness in me not to 
mention the above, for no person is allowed to Transact any kind 
of busiicss for mc, they have binn forbid by sum of the House 
Burgises with threatning, thus am I Circumstanced, driven out, 
the Graitest part of my Fortune sunk, my Business at an Eud, 
notwithstanding I will discharge my duty whenever its in my 
power in this or whatever may be Intrusted to Sir 

Your very Humble Servant 

Zach: Hood. 

To John Brettell Esq! 

Extract of a Letter from Charles Steuart Esquire surveyor Gen! 
in America to the Commissioners of ^e Customs dated at 
Philadelphia 7* Decf 1765. 


Your Honours, I presume, have beeu informed of the dis- 
tracted State of this Continent on Account of the Stamp Act, I 



am but ill qualified to give a Desf»riptioii of it, for though I have 
travelled near 2000 raiies since my Arrival in America, I have 
been fortnnate enough to escape all the scenes of Rage and Mad- 
ness that have been acted in it. I must therefore beg Leave to 
refer to the Accounts from those OflSccrs whose Residence enabled 
them to give more full Information and particularly to the 
Officers at New York, where the fury of the Mob committed 
great Excesses. All the Distributors of Stamps between Halifax 
and S? Augustine have been compelled to resign their Commis- 
sions, and no stamp papers can be obtained in all these Countries, 
this has thrown them into great Confusion. The Courts of Law 
are shut, Redress for Injuries cannot be obtained, debts recovered, 
nor Property secured or transferred. But the Evils necessarily 
occasioned by a Stop to the internal business and Police of the 
Colonies, are not equal to the Consequences of shutting up their 
Ports at this season of the year — permit me briefly to enumerate 
a few of them. Thousands of Seamen and Others whose sole 
Dependance is on I^avigation not only rendered Useless to their 
Country but deprived of the Means of Subsistance, Provisions for 
which there are at this time large Orders, particularly for Corn 
for France, Spain, Portugal, the Mediterranean &? must perish on 
hand, while famin may spread itself through our West India 
Islands by being suddenly cut of from their usual Supjilies ; Ire- 
land would be greatly distressed by the Waut of flax seed from 
hence, on which her linen Manu&cture depends ; Other Articles 
of Produce by which Remittances may be made to Britain de- 
tained in the Country — the Revenue lessened, and trade and 
Navigation the Source of Wealth and the Support of a Maritime 
and Commercial Nation, entirely stopped, which must be attended 
with Ruin to Multitudes aud distress to All. These are weighty 
Considerations, but a stronger Inducement for proceeding to 
Business here and at New York still remains. 

The Officers at both Places have by their Address and pru- 
dence evaded for a full Month granting Clearances, in hopes that 
some way would be opened by which they might be extricated 
out of their Difficulties, that time did not pass without strong 
Applications and even threats, which they had great Reason to 

kesistajS'ce to stamp act. 


believe would soon become very serious. It is supposed there 
are now in this Port 150 Sail of VesscUs ; the frost generally 
sets in about Christmas, and continues upwards of two Months ; 
Nothing is more certain than that so great a Number of Seamen 
shut up for that time, in a town destitute of all Protection to 
the Inhabitants, even a Militia, would commit some terrible Mis- 
chief, or rather that they would not suffer themselves to be shut 
up but would compel the Officers to elear Vessells without 
Stamps this would undoubtedly have been the Consequence of a 
few days longer delay. And, I hope, I need not add, it would 
have been highly imprudent to have hazarded the Event ; the 
least Evil attending it would in all probability have been the 
Loss of about £5000 — belonging to the Revenue in the Custom 

The Collector came to me on the Morning of the 2* Instant, 
told me his Situation, his Apprehensions and his Resolution of 
proceeding to business immediately ; I eoiild not refuse my Ap- 
probation and wrote circular Letters to all the other Ports in the 
district except Quebec, a Copy of which I have the Honour of 
sending herewith. I had before written to the Officers at New 
York when that City was governed by the Mob, that they must 
clear "Vessells, if necessary, which they every Moment expected 
to be forced to, but the Arrival of their Governour gave tliem 
some Ecspite, and they got leave to wait till Philadelphia should 
take the lead ; they accordingly began the 5* The Governours 
were applyed to, but thought proper to observe a cautious Silence. 
I might have done the same, but do not think it honourable, nor 
ecAsistent with my duty to withhold my Advice and Opinion in 
a Matter of Difficulty, when ealled upon by Miose who have a 
Eight to demand them. 

Having now without Exaggeration laid before your Honours 
the Situation in which the Officers of these two Ports stood, it is 
humbly hoped that, abstracted from any Eeasoning on the Pro- 
priety of the Step they have been compelled to take, their Con- 
duct and my Approbation of it will stand justified on the Plea of 
Necessity and Self Preservation. 



To THE Right Honourable, 
The Lords of the Treasury. 

The Humble Memorial of Zaehariah Hood late 
stamp Distributor in Maryland North America. 

Humbly Sheweth, 

That the appointment of your Memorialist to be a Distributor 
of the stamps (at the Recommendation of the late Ceciylius Cal- 
vert Esq^ uncle to the Right Honourable Lord Baltimore) was 
produetive of Consequence to him very fatal and Distressful, that 
on the arrival of the commission together with a large quantity of 
your Memorialists goods from England, he was obliged to leave 
them all exposed to the rage and fury of the populace : so that it 
was with the utmost difficulty, and at the hazard of his Life, he 
escaped with one suite of clothes to the Fort at New York, Avhich 
he was compelled to do or to resign in form, the latter he could 
not think of submitting to, as it would liave been a breach of an 
important trust commited to him by his Majesty. 

Thus the business of your Memorialist as a Merchant was 
ruined, his views and expectations disapointcd, his connections 
destroyed, and his goods left unsold part of which perished ; as 
no person dared to act for him or even so much as to correspond 
with him, after your Memorialist had been banished and deprived 
of his all, he thought that when the stamp act was repealed he 
might be permitted to live quietly amongst his friends, with 
these hopes he returned to Maryland, but soon found that their 
resentment continued, for they said that your Memorialist was 
the only person employed by his Majesty who refused to resign, 
as these prejudices still remained and he had lost both his Mercan- 
tile business and Interest, together with that esteem in which it 
is well known he was once held by his countrymen, he was 
induced to Leave the Colony and seek some other place where he 
might spend the remainder of his Days in peace and safety. 

That your Memorialist presumed some time ago to present a 
state of this his Unhappy case but being unable to live in the 
Kingdom unemployed hath since been under the Necessity of 



undergoing the greatest fatigues of mind and Body in Voyaging 
to the West India's as a bare means of Support until it should 
please his Majesty to bestow on him some mark of his Royal 

The British Parliament after the repeal of the stamp act 
having been pleased to recommend all the sufier's by these 
appointments to his Majesty for protection and support, your 
Memorialist presumes to lay before your Lordships the state of 
his unhappy case, humbly hoping that it will be found to be such 
as will recommend your Memorialist to some degree of your 
Lordships notice, approbation, and encouragement, and assuring 
your Lordships that your Memorialist shall ever esteem the least 
mark of his Mnjestys Bounty and Approbation Conferred ou him 
through your Lordships recommendation an ample sattisfaction 
and reward for all his sufferings brought upon him in conse- 
quence of his faithful and steedy perseverance in his Duty, and 
that your Memorialist will Anxiously Endeavour to justify your 
Lordships Recommendation of him to his Majesty by a faithful 
diligent and Unshaken discliargc of the Trust reposed in him, 
and your Memorialist shall ever as in duty bound pray. 

Zach: Hood. 

Old Broad Street N"; 2 


Memorial of / Zachariah Hood / late 
Distrubutor of Stamps / In Maryland. / Rx Feb. 19, 1771. 




[See note, Vol. Ill, p. 288.] 

An additional brief Nabeative of a late bloody design against 
the Protestants in Ann Arundel County Severn in Maryland in 
the Country of Virginia — as also — of the Extraordinary deliver- 
ance of those poor oppressed people. Set forth by Eoger Heamans 
Commander of the ship Golden Lyon — an eye witness there 

London July 24 — printed for Lioeuell Chapman at the 
Crown in 

Popes Head Alley — 1655 

Narrative, &c. — ^That the 6th of Nov. last in the year of our 
Lord 1654, he set pail from the Downs then outward bound for 
the Bay of Virginia for the parts of Patuxent and Severn 
thro the blessings of God arrived at Patuxent the 29 of Jan. 
following. That within two days tfter his arrival at tliat Port 
there came a boat with about five persons therein to the ship side 
and by information of one of his ships company who formerly 
had been at Maryland, declares that Capt. Stone, formerly Gov. 
Stone, was there. He therefore called assistants of his ships 
company to man the ships side to accommodate the coming up 
of Mr. Stone into the ship, where after some civil respects 
shewed him, he called for a glass of Avine and drank to him by 
the name of Gov. Stone — at which he replied, he had formerly 
been a governor, but was not so now — that Governor there at 
present was one Capt. Fuller, a gentleman lately settled by the 
commissioners of the Parliament of England — and that Mr. 
Fuller was then at Severn. He was likewise so informed by 
the inhabitants of Patuxent, but understood nothing of any dif- 
ference or hostile preparations in the least. 

After some dispatches of affairs in relation to the proceedings 
of his voyage and hard weather was broken, y"' 16th day of Feb. 



early iu the morning set sail for Severn whei-e he arrived late 
that night, and settling the ships business went the next morning 
ashore to attend the governor whom he found there, and having 
given the Governor satisfaction as to his intended proeeeding 
eame aboard his ship again. 

On the 15th of March following in order to his voyage left 
directions with Mr. Cole, his mate, concerning the ship and 
manned forth one of his sloopes and himself went for Eoads 
Eivers some 7 leagues distant from thence to procnrc goods, 
but before he eould dispateh his business there, reeeived a partic- 
ular message from Capt. Fuller, the governor, then also at 
Severn, requiring him presently to attend him, and that his men 
might presently repair to his ship there at an anchor at Severn. 
He not knowing what speed such a message might require, left 
his business and endeavored as soon as might be to wait upon 
the Governor. But as he drew near he perceived a peice of 
ordnance fired from his ship which much amazed him and his 
boats erew, whereupon hastening to the ship, at his coming on 
board he there found Gov. Capt. Fuller with Mr. Cole whom he 
had entrusted the care of his ship unto and demanding the reason 
of firing of that gun, he told him it was by the Govemors order. 

The Governor forthwith related to him that he had received 
certain intelligence that Capt. Stone with a party of Eoman 
Catholics, malignant and desaffected persons who had called to 
their assistance a great number of heathen were in arms — and 
what other they eould not by force persuade, they forced along 
with them, plundering all that refused to assist them. That they 
had privately designed the destruction of the Governor and all 
the Protestants of Severn, and to destroy men, women and chil- 
dren that should not submit to their wicked design. And this 
the better to carry out their interest was under pretence of bring- 
ing into subjection those factious people in the county of Ann 
Arundel to the obedience of L. proprietory — not owning the Lord 
Protector of England &e., his power in the least. 

The Governor also further informed him that the design was 
against him, his ship and company — if they would uot assist 
Capt. Stone to fire his ship riding at anchor and to be effected 



by one Abraham Hely, a seaman who run away from his ship 
at Patuxent, and this design so settled tliat Capt. Stone and his 
soldiery were ready to niareh. 

The sudden news of such horrid treachery to be acted by such 
instruments put the poor inhabitants into so lamentable a eondi- 
tion, in respect they were so surprised that they had no deliver- 
ance to expect, but only extraordinary pi'ovideuce from God 
having formerly by snd experience known the malice of their 
adversaries against all that owned the way of God in truth. 

The Governor desired that many of trembling women and 
children might eomc on bonrd the ship which was granted. In the 
raenn time his council and the inhabitants consulted their own safety 
and agreed to have a letter drawn up to be directed to Capt. Stone 
and sent him by messengers of their own by the ship wherry. 

A first message having been sent to demand his power and the 
ground of such proceedings — the second message to him being 
such low terms that those that smt it were greived at their hearts 
that it ever went out of their hands — which was as followeth : — 

For Capt. W"^ Stone. 

Sir : — The people of these parts have met together and con- 
sidered the present transactions on your part — and have not a 
little marvelled that no other answer of the last message hath 
been made than what tended rather to make men desperate than 
eonformable, yet being desirous of peace, do once again present to 
you serions considerations on these ensuing proposals as the mind 
of the people. 

1. If you will govern us so as we may enjoy the liberties of 
English subjects. 

2. And that we may remain indemnified in respects of our 
engagements and all former acts relating to the Eeducement and 

3. That those who are minded to depart the province may 
freely do it mtJhout any prejudice to themselves or estates. We 
are content to own yourself as Governor and submit to your 
Government. If not we are resolved to commit ourselves into 
the hands of God and rather die like men than be made slaves. 

W™ Dnrand, Seerety. 



But no answer to this was returned but the same paper in 
scorn sent back again. The messenger being despatched from 
the Governor and Council had the ship Golden Lyon's wherry for 
their more speedy passage, and they accordingly came to Capt. 
Stone, whom witli the whole body they met at the Cliffs, some 
marching by land and others in sloops or boats coming by water 
in pursurance of the bloody design. 

And upon the messengers coming to him to present the letter 
he immediately in a rage commanded the messengers to be taken 
in to GuMxJ and took away the wheny, yet two of the messengers 
escaped and came to Severn and acquainted the Governor aud 
Council of the enemies proceedings and what further intelligence 
they could meet with. And that withal that Capt. Stone had so 
ordered that if the commander of the ship Golden Lyon would not 
assist him and his company the ship sliould be fired as it lay at 
anchor by a servant of tlic commanders that run from him at 

The Governor and Council in order to their security sent 
several warrants requiring observance of their commands, one 
whereof was directed to the relator hereof as foUoweth : — 

To Capt. Roger Hcamans, Commander of the Golden Lyon, now 
residing at anchor in Severn River in Providence. 

Sir : — The Government of Maryland hath been settled by the 
supreme authority of the Commonwealth of England and con- 
firmed by the said power which is expressly owned what their 
Commissioners Rich. Bennet Esq. and Col. Will. Claiborne and 
Capt. Edward Curtes had done, and since by the Lord Protector 
which is now contradicted by the Lord Baltimore and his officers 
without showing any power — these are in the name of the Lord 
Protector of England and to will and require you the said Capt. 
Heaman with your sliip and men to be for the service of the 
Lord Protector and Commonwealth of England in assisting to 
your power the people of Providence oppressed. 

Given at Providence the 22 Mar 1654. 

Wil Fuller. 



Tlie Governor sent a second warrant dated 23 of March fol- 

These are in the name of his Highness the Lord Protector to 
will and require yon Capt. H. Comm/ of y* Golden Lyon to 
command all such boats and vessels as now arrived or shall arrive 
to disturb the Government here settled under his Highness the 
Lord Protector and there to detain until further ordered herein as 
you shall answer the contrary to yonr peril. 

Given 23 Mareh 1654. 

William Fuller. 

Directed to Capt. Roger Heaman. 

This day in the evening, the ship Watch descried a boat rowing 
near to the ship, which they commanded in. And when the men 
were come on board they presented a letter from Capt. Stone 
directed to the relator here of, who as soon as he received it went 
forthwith ashore and showed it to the Governor and Council. 
The eifeet is as follows : — ^That he had heard the relator would 
with his ship and company aid and assist the people of Severn 
against the Lord Baltimore's Government which by persnasions 
he desired a desistauee from and that for his satisfaction he had 
sent a petition presented to his Highness the Lord Protector and 
with al his Highness ordered there upon declaring against the 
Government of Richard Bennct Esq. in Virginia, yet in truth 
sends no sueh things in the letter but appointed the bearer to say 
so. Therefore Capt. Fuller and the Council being well satisfied 
as to the matter of the letter that it was of no great weight, de- 
sired the letter might be answered by the Relator as he thought 
and send away the messenger, who presently writ a letter to Capt. 
Stone as followeth : — 

Sir : — After my services to yon presented, tliese are to certify 
you, I have received your letter wherein you write to me of 
several things in particular — as [not] to resist your power 
which you have from the Lord Protector of England, a thing 
altogether disowned by yourself to me, at Patiixent and which if I 
once could see I should readily with my ship and life be ready to 



serve you but expecting to liave received as copy thereof as you 
write to me and satisfaction of the truth thereof I find it ouly 
reported by yourself and of no more credit. I find at Severn the 
government settled in Capt. Fuller by the supreme power of 
England, and siuee established by the Lord Protector, which Sir 
I am bound to obey, I have received several warrants from 
them which this bearer hath seeu and desire you to be satisfied 
therewith — which is all at present &e. 

R. H. 

From aboard the Golden Lyon., March 23, 1654, 

The same messenger theu also reeeived a letter from Mr. 
Richard Owen directed to Capt. Stone. Mr. Owen was a mer- 
chant then aboard the ship and by his letter certified him as 
followeth verbatim : — 

Sir — my kind love and respects to you presented, hoping 
of your good health — these are to certify — that I have seen 
the letter you sent to the commander of the Golden Lyon 
which is my loving friend wherein I understand that you have 
heard strange reports that he should aet I am sure for his part 
that he desires to meddle neither with one thing nor other but to 
ply his voyage, which is that he came to do. But I think you 
cannot blame him to obey the power here uutil such time as yon 
show him yours ; and theu I am sure he will to the utmost of his 
power obey yon in what you shall command him and not only 
him but I myself and all the people in this place — for we must and 
will own and obey the Government of the Lord Proteetor of the 
commonwealth of England and am sure if you do but once pro- 
duce that from His Highness you need not think the people will 
do anything else but obey you. Sir the Captain and I dealt with 
Mr. Preston of Patuxent for some goods aud now here we are like 
to suifer in by reason of you which I hope Sir we shall not need 
to fear. Do therefore crave to rest as your friend and kinsm^m to 
command (Golden Lyon, Mar. 23, 1654). 

Richard Owen. 

The relator receiving daily intelligence of the threats of Capt, 



Stone and his party and their designs against his ship endeavored 
to get his freight aboard which with in a small matter was now 
accomplished and the 24 of March in the morning went ashore to 
acquaint the Governor thereof and that in pursuance of his 
employers trust he intended with the first expedition to get his 
water aboard and so depart the Port. Where upon the Governor 
and Council considered of the stoppage of the ship, receiving 
daily intelligence from all parts how subtily the interest of the 
Lord Baltimore was carried out and under such pretences and how 
their adversaries were then near at hand drew up a special warrant 
and sent for the relator hereof and in the presence of the eouneil 
the governor there gave him a particular and strict charge in the 
name of His Highness the Lord Protector of England &c not to 
offer to depart the port without his order as he and his compane 
would answer the contempt thereof at their peril declaring then 
how much the government established by his Highness in that 
Province was now concerned that their enemies were cruel and 
bloody and very malicious against any that owned the protestant 

The Relator then used several arguments to the Council in be- 
half of his departure, the trust of the owners in him and that their 
goods were now on board, that his ship was upon merchants 
affairs and no ship of war. Tlicsc and many other reasons were 
urged but the necessity of affairs could admit of no longer dispute 
and therefore they did require his speedy repair on board. 

The Governor also by advice of his council had drawn up a 
special warrant and caused the same in the absence of the relator 
hereof to be fixed to the main mast of his ship, which warrant he 
knew nothing of till his eoming on board, the effect whereof fol- 
io weth: — 

These are in the name of his Highness the L. Pr. of the 
Commonwealth of Eng. and for the maintenance of the laws of 
the L. Protector established in this Province by the supreme 
authority thereof and for the defence of the lives, liberties and 
estates of free and obedient subjects of the Commonwealth, to re- 
quire and chaise you, Capt. Roger Hcaman, commander of the 



good ship the Golden Lyom of London, now riding at auehor in 
the River of the County Providenee of Maryland, to serve the 
publie interest of the said Common wealth eoneeruing the people 
of Providenee and the rest of the subjects of the Commonwealth 
there residing in your own person, with your shi]3s eompany, the 
ships auimunitioD, in such serviees as you shall be eommanded 
by the Government here established by the Commissiouers Rich. 
Ben net Esq., Col. W" Claiborne and Capt. Edmund Curtis, who 
by the supreme authority reduced this province and is siuee set- 
tled by further power. And hereof you are not to fail, a.s you 
will answer the eontra to your peril. 
Given at Providence, March 24, 1654. 

Will Fuller. 

The relator at his eomiug aboard liis «hip upon reading the 
warrant had several debates by himself and officers and after by 
himself and whole ships company, whom he found there unani- 
mous in their resolutions [for] relief of those distressed people, 
and that they altered not from their first engagcnient in England to 
defend to the utmost with their lives and fortunes the established 
Government of England and in all places the Government sub- 
ordinate to thai, and that the ease of the Protestants there was 
their own, did then resolve not to leave that port until God should 
put an end to the restless condition of their brethren and suffer 
their deliverance to be wrought from so wicked a design — ^then 
full ripe — against them. 

The same day at night — in order to his ship's affairs, the Re- 
lator went ashore to have his bills of lading formed but staid 
not, being required to attend the Council who then imparted to 
him the certain news of the enemies entering the mouth of the 
harbor with a great number of sloops and boats full of men 
armed, with drums and colors, in pursuance of their design and 
therefore require him speedly to repair to his ship witli two of the 
Council and to observe their commands. 

That suddenly or within two hours after at the most, in the 
very shutting up of the day light, the ship's company descried off 
a company of sloops and boats making toward the ship, where 



upon the Council on board and the ship's company, would liavc 
made shot at them, bnt the relator commanded them to forebear 
and went himself upon the Poop in the stem of his ship and 
hailed them several times and no answer was made. He then 
charged them not to come nearer the ship, but the enemy kept 
rowing on tlieir way and were come wifcli shot of the ship. His 
mates and company having had information of their threatenings, 
as well against the ship as the poor distressed people resolved to 
fire upon thera without their commander's consent rather than 
hazzard all by the enemies nearer approach, where upon he ordered 
them to fire a gun at random to devert the course from the ship, 
but the enemy still kept coui-se right with the ship and took uo 
notice of any warning given. He then commanded his gunner to 
fire at them, bnt one of his mates, Mr. Robert Moores, who knew 
the country very well, the malice of the adversary against those 
people who were then near worn out with fear and watching made 
a shot at them, which came fairly with them, there upon they 
suddenly altered their course from the ship and rowed into the 
creeli, calling the ship's company Rogues Round heads — Rogues 
and dogs, and with many execrations and railings threatening to 
fire them in the morning. 

The same night came further intelligence from the enemy in 
the harbor as they lay there that they were making fireworks 
against the ship — where upon the Governor whose prudence and 
valor in this business deserves very much honor — commands a 
small ship of Capt Cuts of New England, then in the River, to 
He in the mouth of the creek to prevent the enemy's coming forth 
in the night to work any mischief against the ship. 

The next morning by break of day, being the Lord's day, the 
25 of March last, the Relator himself and company discerned 
Capt. Stone with his whole body drawn out and coming toward 
the water side, marching with drums beating, colors flying — the 
colors were black and yellow — appointed by the L. B'. There 
was not the least token of subjection in Stone and company or 
acknowledgement of the L. Protector of England ; But God bless 
the Lord proprietory and their railing against his ships company 
was Rogues and round headed Rogues &c. 



The Governor by this time pereeived the enemies qnarters — 
and now time admited no delay — ^after an earnest seeking of God 
and laying their innocence at his feet with his o^vn cause, in so 
remote a part of the world, resolved with an humble cheerfullness 
to go over to the enemy and withal sent for the English colors 
used aboard the ship in the service of his Highness which were 
bent and fixed to a half pike for the governors use. He having 
neither drums or colors in his party and then went over the River 
some six miles distant from the enemy, and at his muster of his 
party it consisted of 107 and no more — the enemies body was 
then 250 and upward as by themselves were related after the 

The Governor and his company beiug come to an open place 
resolved to pitch his colors there, being the colors of the Com- 
monwealth of England which he believed might beget the enemy 
to incline to a parley and prevent the shedding of blood by 
which time the enemy was come thither and without any de- 
liberation at all made several shots at the setting down the colors, 
and as the Relator is informed killed two of the Governors men 
— where upon the Governors body had the word given them — in 
the name of God fall on, God is onr strength and with very much 
courage gave fire at the enemy whose word was. Hey for St. 
Mary — ^hey for two wives, who with great boldness engaged like- 
wise, whieh eame to a very sharp dispnte though blessed be God 
not long till Stone and his whole party totally routed and near 
40 of his men slain upon the place — ^now called by the name 
of the Papish pound — and several desperately wounded and it 
pleased the good hand of God to order things so not withstand- 
ing the great thickness of the woods and other advantages for the 
enemy's nobody escaped, but what were prisoners and in custody. 
And of the Governors eompany there was only three killed on 
the field and three since dead of their wounds, which unpar- 
ftllelled merey did beget a far greater joy than can be related. 
And to the relators knowledge no narrative yet made is to be 
equalled to the peoples religious humble and holy rejoicing each 
common soldier with sueh christian instrument revived the hearts 
of one another —Give the glory to the Lord of onr deliveranee. 



All the arms, bag and baggage was taken together with the 
boats that brought them where in were the preparations and fuses 
for the firing of the ship Golden Lyon. And amongst the rest of 
their losses all their consecrated ware was taken, namely, their 
pictures, crucifixes and rows of beads, with great store of relics 
and trash they trusted in, which as the relator is informed, divers 
was put to the ancient or colors for their defence, the vanity 
whereof as also their great boasting in their own strength had 
much confirmed the people of God in tliose parts. 

Capt. Stone him self was so convinced in this over throw that 
he declared that he did conceive he was cursed and many sueh 
like words expressed in that he should be brought into so 
ignominious over throw and be rather in eomj)any with those 
whoui he knew were the very direct and absolute enemies of the 
people of God, and did much repent his ever undertaking their 
late design — declaiiug further — ^thut it was just with God to blast 
his company and him — and for iiis part did wholly disclaim the 
Lord Baltimore's cause and interest and engaged he would choose 
rather to die than to own liis cause, to join with the Catholics. 

Tlic relator did observe further when he came ashore after the 
fight God had sent such a spirit of fear and trembling in the 
heart of the enemy, that the poor tired people who slept as they 
were keeping the door where the prisionors were put in, yet 
their adversaries durst not run away. Tlic relator amongst the 
prisioners found Hcly, a seaman, who run from his ship at 
Patuxent, who was jmrticiilarly brought before the Council ui)on 
the 28 day of March 1654, examined, did then confess that he 
was solicited by divers eminent officers under Capt. Stone to set 
fire on the ship or blow up the sliip Golden Lyon, whereof Capt. 
Roger Heaman is commander, and some implements and mate- 
rials delivered aud large rewards promised to effect it. And he 
further declared aboard the slup after he was cleared by the 
Governor tliat the firing of the ship should have been the same 
night they came into the harbor with their boats, and that two 
of Capt. Stone officers were to go along with him and for this 
service he was to have 20,000 lbs. of Tobacco. 

The Governor being daily solicited by the relator for his 



dispatch from thenee was some few days after the fight dis- 
charged, at which time after many thanks of the governor and 
people he set sail with the first opportunity and came for Pa- 
tuxent, where he heard a large narrative of the enemies threats 
against him and his ship and they had burned and destroyed a 
great part of his woods and eash. And Helv, the second night of 
his arrival in Patuxcnt, fearing his trial at his return home, ran 
away again. 

The relator on this so remarkable a passage was an eye wit- 
ness of the constant and religious practice and duties of those 
precious servants of God in those remote parts with what assur- 
ance of beleiving they rested on the God of their deliverance that 
neither the maliee or treachery of so subtle an adversary eould 
change them ou their resolutions from waiting upon God for his 
great mercy which they before hand did assuredly beleive and 
see ap if acted already. 

In all this time — notwithstaadinp; tlio false and scandalous re- 
ports that the relator himself should be a fomentor or strickler 
amongst the Protestant party to withstand the lawful power of 
Capt. Stone, Governor under the Lord Baltimore, as some would 
suggest, he is easy to prove. He never left his ship at any time 
unless about his freight or when the Governor by special com- 
mand enjoined his appearance at the Council. 

He could say much as to the pretences of Capt. Stone and 
others as to the laws for liberties, but leaves that to his prudence 
of his Highness the Lord Protector, that hath provided better 
Governors for the people of God than profest enemies of his 
truth and those who hunt after the innocent. 

What he did in relation to the Protestaut cause he doubts not 
but good men will own and encourage others to act the like and 
to say no more in this. He hath seen the Plottings of the wicked 
and the deliverance of the innocent. 

The truth of this relation, the Relator with his merchants and 
all his ships company are ready to justify. 

The first message sent to Capt. William Stone Esq. 

Where as we are given to understand that by warrant from 



yourself expressed to be in the name of his Highness the Lord 
Protector of England &c., a party of men in arms was appointed 
to surprize the Records of t'lis Country, to remove them from the 
place where by act of assembly they were appointed to be kept, 
which is effected, we think it our duty and the discharge of trust 
which is committed to us by the Commissioners of the Common- 
wealth of England to require you in the name of the Lord Pro- 
tector of England that for the peace and welfare of the province 
and preventing of troubles if you have any other or higher power 
than is here established by the Commissioners of the Common- 
wealtii of England you would make it known to us and to the 
Free Inhabitants of this provience in an orderly and legal way 
which indeed is the great desire of the people about Providence 
and Kent as well as others which power being once made known 
shall not be opposed or disturbed by us in tlic least measure. 

And this also we request of you as friends and neighbors 
whicli is so equitable as cannot be denied by any that have good 
ground for what they do or desire the peace for the Common- 
wealth of England and the honor of His Highness the Lord 
protector himself or the accommodation of their own affairs and 
proceedings. Eor our parts wc alfect not preeminence but had 
much rather be governed ourselves by the laws of God and law- 
ful authority of him set over us than that we ourselves should be 
in an employment, the nature whereof in these times is above 
our abilities, and those that arc far more able for we belcive 
that God himself reigns and will bring down all high mountains 
which men are lifted up to wid there upon oppose the kingdom 
of Christ. Our addresses to you at this time are in a way of 
peace and love. And we entreat you as you are Christians to be 
tender of his name, the condition of so many that are in dark- 
ness inwardly and outwardly and to take care that the country 
be not brought to mire and desolation whilst you think to heal 
the breaches thereof. We hope it shall be found that we are not 
the men as we are censured to be by men if we be true to that 
which is just and right or not repugnant to the lawful authority, 
not injurious to our neighbors. 

Sir, we have sent a messenger to you on purpose with these 



demands and requests desiring your answer if you desire the 
composement of the affairs of tlie province, the good of your 
friends and neighbors and your own and so we desire the God of 
heaven may council and direct into that way which is well pleas- 
ing unto Him and all honest men and rest your loving friends. 

W.[illiam] r[uller 
W.[illiam] D[urand 
R. [ichard] P[reston 
L. [eonard] S [trong 
li. [ichard] E[wing 

March 5, 1654 

This was subscribed by the Commissioners at Providence. 

William Durand, 
Secretary of the Province of Maryland. 






In the historical exhibit of the Diocese of Maryland at the 
Jamestown Exposition, one of the collections which aroused much 
interest was the panel devoted to the religious side of the life and 
character of Mr. Francis Scott Key. Many who saw it learned 
for the first time that Mr. Key was the author not only of our 
national song, but also of much sacred verse, some of which has 
enriched the hymnals of nearly all the religious bodies of 
America. They learned also that at two different periods of his 
life, Mr. Key was earnestly contemplating entrance into the 
sacred ministry. It is the purpose of this sketch to consider 
Francis Scott Key, the churchman, more fully than was possible 
within the limits of a single exhibition panel. 

Mr. Key was bom on his ancestral estate in that part of Fred- 
erick County which is now Carroll, in the year 1779. His 
greatest claim to the attention of posterity lies of course in the 
fact of his authorship of the Star Spangled Banner, the story of 
which is so well known that a repetition of it here would be 
almost an offence. In the goneral mind, he is one of those 
remarkable personages who seem to have lived solely that they 
might make one supreme effort in battle, in politics or in song, 
passing afterwards into the oblivion where they had previously 
dwelt. Those, however, who look deeper into the facts of his life 
see him as an eminent practitioner of the law in a day of great 
lawyers J and those who view yet another side of his career 
realize that in him the American Episcopal Church had one of its 
few great laymen, a type which is much less common here than in 
England, where churchmanship and statesmanship seem to be 
better bedfellows. 

During the Nullification troubles in 1832, President Jackson 
employed Mr. Key on a confidential mission to South Carolina, 



and in 1833 he appointed him to the office of United States 
Attorney for the District of Columbia. To this position he was 
reappointed by President Jackson, and later by Van Burcn. He 
died in 1843 and was buried in Frederick. His handsome head 
and fiice, his dignity, and his rare oratorical powers marked him 
in all assemblies. He was a type of the high-minded gentleman 
and man of affairs that has been one of the factors in the conduct 
of the American nation. 

We find Mr. Key busy in the affairs of the Episcopal Church 
many months before he had become more or less of a national 
figure thi'ough his authorship of the Star Spangled Banner. He 
sat in the Diocesan Convention of 1813 as a delegate from St. 
John's Parish, Georgetown, and although he had not previously 
been a member of tliis body, he was chosen by it to represent the 
Diocese in the General Convention which was to meet in Phila- 
delphia in the following year. For some reason he was not in 
attendance upon the meetings of this General Convention, but 
from this time onward he occupied an eminent position in the 
councils of the Church. 

In April 1814, there began a correspondence between Dr. 
Kemp, then rector of St. Paul's Parish, Baltimore, and Mr. Key 
relative to the latter's entrance into Holy Orders. His part of 
the correspondence is now in the Maryland Diocesan Library in 
the keeping of the Diocesan Records Committee, with whose per- 
mission it is here reproduced. As far as is kno%vn, none of the 
letters which follow have ever been in print. 

Dr. Kemp's proposal to Mr. Key was that he should enter the 
ministry as his assistant in the work of St. Paul's parish, proba- 
bly intending that he should be the associate rector of the parish, 
holding services according to the arrangement existing at that 
time alternately in St. Paul's and Christ Churches. Mr. Key's 
reply tells us much of his high sense of personal honor, convinces 
us of his sincere religious conviction and shows plainly the school 
of churchmanship to which he belonged. 



Geo. Town — 

April 4, 1814. 

Eev* & T>' Sir:— 

Your letter should have been sooner answered, but it eame 
while I was in Charles County whenee I returned home the night 
before the last very mueh indisposed. 

When I thought a few years ago of preparing myself for the 
ministry, it seemed to me, from all tlie eonsideration I eould give 
it, that I was peeuliarly situated, & had entered, almost neeessar- 
ily, into engagements that made such a step impossible. — At the 
same time I hoped (as I still do) that if the path of duty would 
lead me to this ehange of life, I should be enabled to see it, & 
that my present course should be stopped if I could serve God 
more aeeeptably in the ministiy. — I did not to be sure ever think 
of sueh a situation as you have suggested ; but I have doubts 
how far, even in this way, an abandonment of my profession 
could be reconciled with the necessities of my present arrange- 
ments. — I have been obliged to contract (not on account of any 
concern of my own) a very considerable debt — and the relinquish- 
ment of my present pursuits would materially afiect others (some 
even out of my own family) to whom I seem to have become 
bound. — Under these eircumstanees you will perceive I ought not 
lightly nor without mature consideration, to make so important a 
change in my situation ; and I should be very glad of your 
thoughts upon the subject. — That I eould support my family upon 
the terms you have mentioned I think probable : But I should 
find it difficult (if not impossible) to do more ; and to do more I 
seem to be necessarily bound. Would it be practicable to make 
anything as an autlior of religious & Literary jjublications ? And 
would I have any leisure for sueh engagements ? — 

The great advantage of entering the Church under au assoeia- 
tion with you I am fully sensible of, & this more than anything 
else inclines me to think it may perhaps be my duty. — At least it 
will induce me to give the subject a full deliberation & to 
endeavor to ascertain if the nature of the engagements I have 
intimated can justifiably allow of it. — 

I believe wc differ upon the subject of Episcopacy — ^you con- 
sider it as the divinely established & only form of Church 
government & that there is no valid ordination elsewhere. I 
have never seen anything to satisfy me of this, but though I have 
been led to think it a /oj-m, I still think it the best form. — And 
this difference is, I believe, no more than has always existed 
among the members of our Church of whom many respectable 


names are on eaeh side of the question. — As to our Chureh 
service, few persons eau be more attached to it than I am. — I 
lament that any of our ministers should substantially depart from 
it, though I love and esteem some who oceasionally do so. I 
regret also that others should insist upon a literal and universal 
compliance as absolutely essential to be enforced by strict Church 
discipline ; and though I think sueh a design would introduce a 
spirit of controversy & persecution, that would perhaps make an 
irrecoueilable schism in the Qiureh, about things, that, if they 
were not disputed about, would ereate no differences, yet I have 
an equal affection & regard for some who I believe hold this 
opinion. — I have been remarkably iuflueneed by the conviction of 
many most erroneous opinions of my own, to allow for those of 
others — & have been led to see great merit among the advocates 
of each side of a controversy. — I believe that God will sufficiently 
enlighten every man who hungers and thirsts after riglitcousness, 
& prays to be led into the truth, & that it may be consistent with 
his wisdom & goodness to leave us for a time under the influence 
of some errors, — 

However we might differ in opinion I feci gratified in believing 
that our hearts would be united iu one great purpose, & our 
labours directed to the same end : & I am not so vain & self-eon- 
fident as not to be fully persuaded of the importance of entering 
upon so solemn a calling with sueh a eonneetion as yon suggest. — 
I am obliged to leave home again for a week or a fortnight, & will 
not fail to think of this subject & write to you. — 

A [How] me to hope that I may have your eaudid adviee and 
your prayers that I may be rightly directed. — 

truly & resply 

F. S. Key. 

P. S, — May I be allowed to mention this subject to two or 
three friends, whose counsel I should wish ? — that is, if, on reflec- 
tion, I find a difficulty in determining. — As far as I have been 
able to think at present, I do not sec how I can extricate myself 
from my engagements. — 

The following letter written more than three weeks later seems 
to have closed the matter finallv, for wc hear no more of Mr. 
Key's entering the ministry after this date. 



Geo Town 

April 28, 1814. 

Dear & Rev"* Sir— 

I have been kept from home by sickness or I should have 
attended to your last letter sooner. — 

I have thought a good deal upon this subject, & the difficulties 
that at first occurred to mc appear insurmountable. — It has also 
occurred to mc that if I was to enter the ministry with a view to 
so profitable a situation I might be supposed to act under the 
influence of unworthy inducements ; & thus the cause of religion 
in some measure might receive injury, or at least those persons 
prejudiced against it, who might think they saw reasons to believe 
me so improperly influenced. — 

I trust tliat if I have been incorrect in this determination, I 
shall be brought to see it, & that God will make plain to me his 
will and my duty & give me strength to perform it. — 
I am with sincere respect 

truly yrs 

F, S. Key. 

The friendly tone of these two letters was, however, to change 
abruptly before many months should pass, for in June, 1814 in a 
manner which was regarded as unfair by a large and important 
party in the Diocese, Dr. Kemp was elected Suffragan Bishop of 
Maryland. Party feeling was strong at this time in the Diocese, 
and Dr. Kemp had been the candidate of the " formalist's," as the 
high churchmen of that day were called. His opponent Dr. 
Contee, was equally prominent as the leader of the " evangelicals." 
Associated with him was the Rev. George Dashiell, a less worthy 
man of whom \ve shall have something to say later. 

Bishop Kemp's election was made the subject of a protest to 
the House of Bishops by a number of clergymen and laymen, who 
objected on several grounds to his consecration. Among the 
signers of this document was Sir. Francis Scott Key, but with his 
characteristic charity of heart and clarity of mind he alone of the 
subscribers did not concur in the accusation that the election was 
the result of " premeditated management." He maintaiued that 
the high churchmen had at the outset of the Convention no inten- 
tion of forcing an election, but that finding themselves in an 



unexpected majority they had rushed Bishop Kemp's election 
through at the last moment. It was therefore on the purely legal 
ground of " iasufJficient notice " tliat i\Ir. Key based his protest 
against the manner of the election. I have forborne to copy here 
a letter of his to Bishop Kemp on this subject, written shortly 
after the election, in which in straightforward and respectful 
language he gives his fall reasons for joining the opposition to 
the consecration. It is a long letter on a painful matter, and adds 
but little to our knowledge of the men and events eoneemed. 
Bishop Kemp seems never fully to have forgiven Mr. Key for his 
part in the affair, in spite of the fact that this had been patently 
that of one who acts in all sincerity. 

There is no use in further dwelling upon this ancient quarrel ; 
the House of Bishops answered the "protest," clause by clause, 
and proceeded to the consecration of Dr. Kemp as Suffragan 
Bishop of Maryland, the first and last time in the history of the 
Episcopal Church in America that the office of suffragan bishop 
has been held by anyone. One of the immediate results of the 
consecration of Bishop Kemp was the attempted creation of a 
schism by the Rev. George Dashiell, the rector of St. Peter's 
Church, Baltimore. His efforts resulted finally in the formation 
of the Evangelical Episcopal Church, a body which at uo time 
attained any standing and which died with its founder. Mr. 
Dashiell's deposition was followed by the celebrated case of the 
State of INfaryland vs. the Vestry of St. Peter's Church, in which 
the decisions were watched with keen interest by the people of 
every denomination, not only in Maryland but throughout the 
country. Dashiell's radicalism must not be taken as representa- 
tive of the attitude of the evangelical party at large ; low church- 
men of the stamp of Key deplored his action as sincerely as did 
the most ardent supporters of Bishop Kemp. 

Of no real significance, but of some loeal interest is the fact 
that the authors of the only two schisms which have arisen in the 
American Episcopal Church have at one time been rectors of St. 
Peter's Church, Baltimore. The founder of the Reformed Epis- 
copal Church, Bishop Cummins, held this charge a few years 
before his accession. 


mabyijAnd historical, magazikb. 

Mr. Key was a delegate to the General Convention of 1817, 
and from the time of his first attendance upon its sessions, he be- 
came a distinguished figure in the councils of the Chureh. Bishop 
Mellvaine, as quoted by William Stevens Perry in his History of 
the American Episcopal Church, says that in the General Conven- 
tion of 1820, "Key was the only one who was allowed to stand 
up in defence of evangelical truth." AVe need go no further than 
the journals of the General Convention to learn of his activity in 
the deliberations of the House of Delegates. 

In the General Convention of 1817 his evangelical tendencies 
appeared at onee in a resolution introduced by him stating that in 
the opinion of that body " the conforming to the vain amusements 
of the world, frequenting horse races, theatres, public balls, 
playing cards, or gaming" were "inconsistent with Christian 
sobriety, dangerous to the morals of the members of the Chureh, 
and peculiarly unbecoming the character of communicants." I 
rcnicmbcr to have read somewhere certain anecdotes of Mr. Key's 
residence at St. John's College. They told how he delighted the 
hearts of his companions by the originality and wildness of his 
pranks, in particular giving a picture of him riding madly around 
the college eampus mounted upon a surprised and aggrieved eow. 
Surely this was a " vain amusement of the world." I submit 
tliat here was an instance where the boy was not the father to the 
man, although the dignity of manner and the gravity of thought 
and speech which characterized his manhood seem to have settled 
upon him early in life. His resolution calling for greater strict- 
ness in conduct was declared unnecessary by the House of Depu- 
ties in view of the already existing provisions "for the purposes 
of Christian discipline." 

In snccecding General Conventions, Mr. Key's part was a 
prominent one. He was appointed to membership on the first 
Board of Trustees of the General Theological Seminary in 1820, 
and he was one of the organizers of the Domestic and Foreign 
Missionary Society in the same year. Prominently connected at 
home with the American Colonization Society, he sought without 
success to have the Episcopal Church officially represented in its 
councils, but his resolution for this good cause was rejected by the 



Bishops because of its politieal aspeet. Perhaps the heads of a 
ehurch which was eveu then suffering from its earlier conuectiou 
with the secuhxr power were wise iu their sweeping avoidance of 
anything that was shadowed, however slightly, by the arm of the 

Mr. Key was a delegate to every General Couveutiou from 
1814 to 1826 inclusive, attending all except that of 1814. He 
was a trustee of the General Theological Seminary from its forma- 
tion in 1820 until his death iu 1843 ; he was placed on important 
committees in each Convention, aud in the discussion of matters 
of momeut, the journals show that he had always the ear of the 
delegates. It may be said without fear of contradiction that in 
standing up " in defence of evangelical truth " in the councils of 
the Episcopal Church, he rendered a service of note to the cause 
of religion iu this country ; and the last person to withold from 
him the credit of this would be the " high churchman " of to-day, 
who is iu many essentials a stranger to him of a century ago. 

Valuable as were Mr. Key's services to the church at large in 
the General Convention, it was in the affairs of the Maryland 
church that his influence was more directly perceptible. He was 
nine times a delegate to the Maryland Convention between the 
years 1813 and 1840, representing at different periods St. John's 
aud Christ Church, Georgetown, D. C, and Trinity Church, 
Washington. Whenever he was present at a convention, his 
intense interest in the affairs of the Diocese combined with his 
very real ability in debate and his industry in the work of com- 
mittees made him an important factor in the proceedings of that 
body. His personal popularity and his general eminence in his 
later years added to his influence in the Diocese, an influence 
which he exerted at all times iu the caiuse of moderation and 

At the time of the election of the Rev. William Murray Stone 
to the episcopate of Maryland, the parties were almost literally at 
each other's throats. Their leaders, the Kev. William Edward 
Wyatt, rector of St. Paul's Parish, representing the high ehurch 
faction, and the most prominent of the evangelical clergy, the 
Bev. John Johns, rector of Christ Church, Baltimore, mutually 



agreed and declared to the conventiou their wish to be no longer 
cousidered as candidates for the vacant episcopal oifice. Their 
Christian spirit of peace and good will met with no response from 
their followers, who raged as before, and it was not until Mr. 
Key set himself to the work of reconciliation, moving the 
appointment of a commlttop for the purpose of suggesting a 
suitable candidate for the vacancy that the opponents could be 
brought to a compromise in the person of the Rev. William 
Murray Stoue. His election was declared unanimous, and to Mr. 
Key was conceded the credit for the peaceful ending of a very 
distressing conflict of more than two years' duration. A letter of 
his on the coming clectiou wiitten just before the convention to 
Mr. Robert Goldsborough of Talbot County, is so eloquent of the 
sanity of his views and the tolerance of his spirit that the inser- 
tion of a part of it here will have some meaning. Mr. Key has 
a course which he is anxious that the Conveution should adopt, 
and he thus describes it : — 

Geo Town 

16 May-30. 

My dear Sir — 

Our convention in Maryland is approaching, & I thought it 
likely you would be tliere. I have not attended on any occasion 
since the distracted state of things occurred in consequence of 
Bishop Kemp's death, but I have agreed to go now. — I feel 
anxious to have a course adopted which I think is the only one 
that can properly put an end to the troubled & divided state of 
our Chnrch. And 1 have thought you would approve of it — I 
will therefore suggest it, and if you concur in it I think we can 
get enough to join in it & carry it. — 

It is this — to lay aside both Johns and Wyatt & take a new 
man from another Diocese. In selecting him, let both sides give 
up something, & meet iu a spirit of conciliation & take someone 
not obnoxious to either side as a violent party man. I am a low 
Churchman — I never eonld believe (tliongh I tried hard) in the 
"jus diviuum," or draw any of the conclusions that are usually 
deduced from suoh a position by those who hold it. I know that 
the Church of England has not been unanimous upon the point, 
& that some of her highest and best men have at all times taken 
lower ground to place onr Church on. I think such opinions in 



a Clcrgymau hinder his usefulness : but I do not imagine that 
they need, or generally do affect his piety — I am Avilling therefore 
to take as high a Churchman as can be found. — If we give up in 
this respect, might Ave not ask to have a man who had charity & 
forbearance towards low Churchmen, one who has not by his con- 
cern in such controversies, received prejudices against those who 
differ with him. Further there is a difference among us (I try 
to think it a slight one when I can, but in respect to some I can- 
not) in the great fundamental doctrine of the corruption of man. 
May we not ask to have a high Churchman who is clear & explicit 
upon that point? — I laiow there arc such. — Though I cannot 
think all are so. — Further we object to fashionable amusements & 
think a stronger stand should be made against Christians conform- 
ing to the world in this respect, than some high Churchmen 
think prudent. May we not ask for a mau who should not be 
objectionable to us in this respect? 

Now I am decidedly f )r a compromise, getting as much as we 
can in respect to these things, & -willing to give up much, very 
much, to heal the wounds that are kept open by this unnecessary 
contest. — I really believe that a Com'"' of conference, chosen from 
both sides at the opening of the Convention, could agree upon 
such a man. 

And this would surely be better than cither side's prevailing by 
a vote or two, & bringing in a man who would not have the confi- 
dence of more than half the Church, & sacrificing, in doing this, 
that part of our coiistitutiou which wisely requires two-thirds to 
elect a Bishop, a feature in our constitution which has been every- 
where approved, & which Bishop White has publicly commended. 

I will thank you to let me know what you think of this project 
& if you approve of it, come and join me in it & we will do, I 
think, a good work. — 

truly yrs 

F. S. Key. 

It is worthy of remark in considering Mr. Key as a peacemaker 
that he was present at both the conventions where the fever of 
partisanship was at its height, tliat is, in the episcopal elec- 
tions of 1830 and 1839, and further that on both occasions he 
performed stout service in preserving good feeling and in leading 
the delegates to a wise choice. Although the election of Bishop 
Whittingham in 1839 is not as directly traceable to him as is that 
of his predecessors, yet it was through Key's influence in tliis 



instance iJiat the spirit of party was kept in the background, and 
the way made clear for the selection of several good men, the 
choice falling finally on the Rev. William RoUinson Whittingham. 

Except in so far as an informal exercise of good will towards 
it might go, Mr. Key coald, of course, take no part in the aifairs 
of the Diocese of Virginia. Hp was however a lifelong friend of 
Bishop Meade and an intimate of the celebrated John Randolph 
of Roanoke, the latter in his will naming the Bishop and Mr. 
Key as trustees of a fund devoted to the temporal prosperity of 
his manumitted slaves. Telling of this in his " Old Churches, 
Ministers aud Families of Virginia," Bishop Meade speaks of his 
co-trustee as " my most valued friend, Mr. Francis S. Key." His 
name appears among those of the founders of the Virginia 
Theological Seminary at Alexandria, he believing warmly in the 
desirability of diocesan schools for ministerial education as well as 
in the necessity of a general institution for that purpose. 

Key was clearly not of the sort of prominent layman whose 
services end with representing his parish in convention and 
attending vestry meetings ; the spiritual side, with what is often- 
times its mental and physical drudgery, was a very real thing 
^vith him. When the rector of St. John's, the Rev. Walter 
Dulany Addi.«on, became broken in health, Mr. Key was given a 
lay reader's license to assist him in the work of the parish. For 
many years acting in this capacity, he held up the hands of the 
well loved rector, esteeming the humbler work of reading the 
services and visiting the sick as mnch his duty as it was his 
privilege to represent the Diocese in the General Convention. 

On one occasion his zeal in the work of the parish, in the 
opinion of Bishop Kemp, carried him further than he should have 
gone. The Bishop held that the administration of the baptismal 
rite was not a function that could be performed by a layman 
under any circumstances ; Mr. Key, although open to conviction, 
was of a contrary opinion. His reply to Bishop Kemp's reproof 
for his action tells the story and gives clearly his point of view in 
the controversy. It is a very long letter, and I give only a por- 
tion of it. 


Geo Towu — 

Oct. 17, 1818. 

Rt Eevd Sir 

I have received your letter & fully admit your right to admon- 
ish me : and I prefer very much your M'riting to me of my faults 
& failings, even in the style you have done, to your speaking of 
them to others as I am informed you have thought it necessary on 
other occasions to do. — Notwithstanding however all that has 
passed, & though you have thought it right to pronounce upon me 
without even asking for auy explauatiou of the circumstances or 
any reason for my conduct, I will simply state what I have done, 
my readiness to acknowledge it wrong, if I can be made sensible 
of it, & if I cannot, to submit to whatever may be the conse- 
quences of my foUowiug the dictates of my own conscience in 
opposition to your opinions. — Late at night as I was about retiring 
to bed, having just locked my door, I was called for by three 
persons who saw the light in my passage. — One of them I recog- 
nized to be a pious woman of Mr. Addison's congregation : She 
was attended by her husband and a female friend & had in her 
arms an infant, which she told me was dying & that she had 
brought it from her house (a little distance from the Town) 
intending to carry it to Mr. Addison to be baptized, but she 
declared that she believed it would die befoi'e she could get there. 
The night was dark & rainy & Mr. Addisou's house at some 
distance & he was most probably at that hour in bed. She 
entreated me to baptize it, I told her that I thought she had 
better take it to Mr. Ruth, (whose residence was somewhat nearer 
than that of Mr. Addison or any other Clergyman), but she & the 
woman with her continued to express their conviction that the 
child would most probably expire before they could get there. 
Under these circumstances, I thought it proper to do, what I 
should never think of doing except in a case of the like necessity, 
& according to the forms of the Church baptized the iufant. — 
After the baptism, my wife examined the child, & having some 
medicine in the house which she thought would silence it, with 
the consent of its parents administered it, it recovered & is now 
fortunately well enough to have any mistake I have made 
corrected. — This Sir, is what I have done & I thought it right. 
You think it so clearly wrong that a moment's reflection " ought 
to have arrested my progress." I have reflected upon it since, 
deliberately, & am still without any other reason for supposing it 
may be wrong than your telling me so. I hope Sir you will 
excuse me for saying that this (tho' certainly worthy of serious 



consideration) is not sufficient for me. I cannot acknowledge 
error where I do not see it, & I trust you hold me so entitled to 
an opinion of my own as not to be bound to renounce it & con- 
fess myself wrong merely because any person though entitled to 
the greatest respect thinks differently. 

I am willing to receive your admonitions in relation to this 
particular act or any other part of my conduct (& it plain to see 
that you deem me culpable in other respects) with the most 
respectful attention. I will divest myself, as far as possible, of all 
prejudice in favor of my own views and opinions, and consider 
with the greatest seriousness whatever you may say to convince 
me of my error. If convinced, I will acknowledge it & correct 
my conduct. But if, after trying to decide fairly and impartially, 
I remain unconvinced, you cannot expect or desire tJiat I should 
pretend to acknowledge myself sensible of a fault when I am not. 
In tlie case you particularly mention I am not aware of any rule 
of our Church that I have transgressed. I know that what I 
have done has been done by others of the highest respectability in 
our Church & I have never heard of their being censured or 
admonished about it : nor have I ever seen the expression of an 
opinion ou this subject by our Church. Yet if you can point me 
to any such rule or opinion I will candidly own my mistake. I 
further add that I am willing to submit my conduct in this & in 
every other respect to any trial that our Church authorizes. 

If I know any tbiug of myself it is ray desire to go on quietly 
in my own course of Christian duty without interfering with 
others who differ with me, & to bear Avith meekness their interfer- 
ences with me. — I know that I owe obedience to the rules of the 
Church to which I belong. What a layman may do without 
violating those rules, both as it regards the temporal and spiritual 
concerns of the Cliurch I endeavor to do, & no more do I wish to 

I am at a loss to know how a man's vanity or any other selfish 
disposition can be gratified by baptizing a child. I am sure that 
is an authority that I do uot wish to exercise. — 

You seem to admit that a layman may do something more than 
merely set a good example, but that in going further he must 
"proceed cautiously." I have, I confess, endeavored to go 
further (though in that and in everything with many and great 
imperfections) but in doing so I have endeavored to proceed 
cautiously & have done nothing that I can perceive our Church 
has anywhere forbidden to a layman of her communion. But I 
am, I hope, open to conviction upon these subjects & willing to 



hear and consider whatever you may think proper to suggest to 
me about them. I know I am miserably far from being what I 
ought to be & what I wish to be, & what I hope to be ; & I trust 
I may be spared & enabled to overcome and correct many wrong 
things both in understanding & practice, which I earnestly desire 
may be the case both as to myself & the whole Church. — 

I think from your letter that you suppose I may have been 
flattered and encouraged in pursuing a wrong course by some of 
the Clergy. — In justice to them I state that in this instance & in 
all others I have acted from my own convictions of duty, & that 
I have never heard from any of them any opinion upon the 
subject of Baptism by a Layman, except that when conversing 
with some of them who held that the ordinances of other Sects of 
Christians were invalid, upon my asking why our Church received 
their members into her communion without rcbaptizing them, I 
have been answered that our Church admitted the validity of 
lay-baptism. It is true that in my general course of conduct as a 
layman I have had the satisfaction (as far as I ever knew their 
opinions) of being approved by the Clergymen with whom I was 
connected or acquainted. 

I will further add this : that child (as I before observed) still 
lives, & may be baptized over again if you think it necessary, & 
upon being informed that such is your opinion I Avill recommend 
it to the parents to have it done. 

Whatever the differcnnes of opinion between us may be, & 
whatever they may lead to, I hope it will be my constant endeavor 
& prayer to be enabled to conduct myself towards you with 
respect, & to feel for you every scotimmt of goodwill.. — 

I am 

r. S. Key. 

It must and will not be supposed from this that Mr. Key held 
lightly the sacrament of Baptism. The contrary was true. In 

the General Convention on one occasion, he and Bishop Meade, 
then the Rev. William Meade, introduced a measure into the 
House of Deputies providing for a more stringent interpretation 
of the Prayer Book rubric as to baptism being performed in pub- 
lic, and advocating a more careful selection of sponsors. " We 
were surprised," writes Bishop Meade, " to find ourselves opposed 
by those who held the highest views of the efficiency of baptism." 



A substitute motion was adopted, which, however, fiiiled signally 
of expressing the intention of the original resolution. 

There remains another aspect in which we must view Mr. 
Key's services to the religious life of his own and of a later day, 
and that is as the author of sacred verse of no mean pretensions 
to excellence. His great psalm of victory, the Star Spangled 
Banner, needs no praise, and although there have not been lacking 
critics to assure us of its poetic imperfection, one cannot but be 
impressed with the fact that as time passes protests against its use 
as the national song are becoming fewer, aud that the splendid 
exalted words are singing themselves into a definite place in the 
hearts of the people, learned and unlearned. 

Mr. Key's poetical talent was distinctly of the minor order. 
Strict truth compels us to say that the bulk of his verse is simply 
the production of the * elegant amatenr.' He himself gave it no 
consideration except as a means of passing pleasantly an occasional 
idle hour. Except in the case of tlie Star Spangled Banner he 
had none of those flashes of inspiration whereby the poet sees into 
the heart of things, nor was his versification tliat of a great 
original singer, but even so, he produced some extremely delicate 
and pleasing verse of the affections, and the six examples of 
sacred poetry from his pen which are included in Cleveland's 
Gems from Saa-ed American Foetry give him a high ranking 
among the writers whose work makes up that collection. 

His hymns and paraphrases of the Psalms lack that all import- 
ant something which differentiates the poet from the mere writer 
of verse, otherwise there is present in them the same self-abase- 
ment before the God of All, and tlic same fervor and devotion at 
the feet of the blaster, which through the centuries has charmed 
all readers in the verse of the priestly singers of England — 
George Herbert, Keble and the Wesleys, to name only a few of 
them. We have to-day religious verse in plenty ; the magazines 
are full of it But generally it is a pale and ineffectual Deity 
which we meet in their pages ; it is not the God Who brought 
Key to his knees with tliese words : — 



"My God ! my Father ! may I dare — 
I, all debased, with sin defiled — 
These awful, soothing names to join ; 
Am I Thy creature and Thy child?" 

At one time Mr. Key's " Hynm," the best knowa of his sacred 
songs, had great vogue among all Protestant bodies in this 
country ; but hymns as well as other things being affected by 
fashions, it is less well known to church-goers of this generation 
than to their fathers to whom it was dear. In the present 
collection io use by the Episcopal Church, the number of the 
" Hymn " is 443, and even when it is used scarcely a person may 
be found who knows of its authorship. I give the first stanzas 

Lord, with glowing heart I'd praise Thee, 
For the bliss Thy love bestows ; 
For the pardoning grace that saves me, 
And the peace that from it flows : 
Help, O Lord, my weak endeavor, 
This dull soul to rapture raise : 
Thou must light the flame, or never 
Can my love be warm' d to praise. 

Praise, my soul, the God that sought thee, 
"Wretched wanderer, far astray, 
Found thee lost, and kindly brought thee 
From the paths of death away : 
Praise, with love's devoutrat feeling. 
Him who saw thy guilt-bom fear. 
And the light of hope revealing, 
Bade the blood-stain' d cross appear. 

Lord, this bosom's ardent feeling 
Vainly would my lips express ; 
Low before Thy footstool kneeling. 
Deign Thy suppliant's prayer to bless : 
Let Thy grace, my soul's chief pleasure, 
Love's pure flame within me raise ; 
And since words can never measure. 
Let my love show forth Thy praise. 

The Thanksgiving Hymn, called in the published edition of 
Mr. Key's verses, " A Hymn for the Fourth of July " is a fine 
example of that nice commingling of thanksgiving and praise 



with a subdued patriotic ardor which such an occasion would seem 
to call for. As one generation has followed another, memories of 
our national beginnings have become dim, so that to-day we seem 
finally to have disassociated from the fact of our political liberty 
the thought of gratitude to God for His part in our deliverance. 
That this was not the attitude of our fathers, I call to witness the 
writings of those Americans who flourished during and within a 
generation after the Revolutionary War. To them the struggle 
was quite simply a war between right and wrong, and directing in 
the fight the ragged Americans was Jehovah the God of Battles. 
Something of the same point of view was apparent throughout 
the naticHi during the second war with England, and it was still 
existent when Key wrote his " Hymn for the Fourth of July." 

Francis Scott Key died in the year 1843. In his religious 
activities we see the last of him in the Diocesan Convention of 
1840 in which there presided for the first time the eminent and 
learned "William Rollinsou AVhittingham, fourth bishop of Mary- 
land. It cannot be denied that we are accustomed to regard Mr. 
Key's name with a more or less hazy reverence ; we think of him 
as the almost inspired author of the national song, but of the 
other aspects of his life we are generally ignorant. A nearer 
view of him engaged in one of the many interests of his useful 
life, while revealing him more closely, does not in the least alter 
the reverence with which we liave been accustomed to think of 
him. When a monument shall be erected to him in tliis city, it 
seems not unreasonable to hope that upon it there may be made 
some reference to that side of his life and character which it has 
been the purpose of this paper to portray. As a Christian gentle- 
man, patriot and man of aflairs we greet him, lamenting that his 
like comes not often to our knowledge. 

I am indebted for much assistance in the preparation of this 
sketch to Mr. Edward Higgins of this city, the publication of 
whose Life of Francis Seott Key is anxiously awaited by many 
with the expectation of its being an interesting biography and a 
valuable cotrtribntion to the history of the period of which it 



[Of this extremely rare jKimphlet but two printed copies, so far as the editor 
can learn, exist in the United States. The commission to Dsvensnt, appended 
to the pamphlet, was printed in this Magazine, I, 216.] 


Lord Baltemoees 


Couceruing the Province of Maryland, adjoyning to 
Virginia in America, &c. 

In 1632 the Lord Baltemore had a Patent granted to liim and 
his heirs, of the said Province of Maryland, with divers privi- 
ledges and jurisdictions for the Government thereof, the better to 
incourage him to settle a Colony of English there, whereby to 
prevent the Dutch and Swedes from incroaching any nearer to 
Virginia, Maryland being between Virginia, and the Dutch and 
Swedes Plantation on that Continent, and New England beyond 
them, to the Northward. 

The Lord Baltemore hereupon in 1633 sent two of his own 
brothers with above 200 people to begin and seat a Plantation 
there ; wherein, and in the prosecution of the said Plantation, 
ever since, hee and his friends have disbursed above 40000 1. 
whereof 20000 1. at least, was out of his own purse, and his said 
two brothers died there in the prosecution thereof. 

In Scptem. 1651 when the Councdl of State sent Commis- 
sioners from hence, to wit, Captaine Dennis, Captain Steg, and 
Captain Curtes, to reduce Virginia to the obedience of the Par- 
liament, Maryland was at first inserted in their Instructions to be 
reduced as wel as Virginia, but the Councel being afterwards 
satisfied that that Plantation was never in opposition to the Par- 
liament, that Captain Stone, the Lord Baltemore's Deputy there, 
was generally knowne to have been always zealously afibcted to 



the Parliament, and that divers of the Parliaments friends were, 
by the Lord Baltemore's speciall direction, received into Mary- 
land, and well treated there, when they were fain to leave Vir- 
ginia for their good affection to the Parliament; then the Councell 
thought it not fit at all to disturb that Plantation, and therefore 
caused Maryland to be struck out of the said Instructions, which 
was twice done, it being by some mistake or other put in a 
second time. 

In this expedition to Vii^nia, Captain Dennis and Captain 
Stegg, the two chiefe Commissioners, were cast away,, outward 
bound in the Admirall of that Fleet, which was sent from hence 
upon that service, and with them the Originall Commission for 
that service was lost. 

But Cap. Curtes having a copy of the said Commission and 
Instructions with him in another ship, arrived safe in Virginia, 
and there being also nominated in the said Commission two other 
persons resident in Virginia, to wit, Cap. Bcnnct, and Cap. 
Cleyborn (known and declared enemies of the L. Baltemore's) 
they, together with Cap. Curtes, proceeded to the reducement of 
Virginia, which was affected accordingly upon Articles, among 
which one was; That the Virginians should injoy the antient 
bounds and limits of Virginia, and that they should seek a Charter 
from the Parliament to that purpose. 

In the reducement of Virginia, Captain Stone (the L. Balte- 
more's Deputy of Maryland) sent to the Commissioners at the 
first arrival of the Fleet in Virginia, to offer them all the assist- 
ance he could, and did actually assist them therein, with provision 
of victuall and other necessaries, as will be testified (if need be by 
M' Edward Gibbons, Major Generall of New England, and divers 
others who were Hien there, and eye witaesses of it, and are 
now here. 

Notwithstanding which, the said Commissioners, after Virginia 
was reduced, went to Maryland, and upon pretence of a certain 
clause (which it seems was by some mcanes or other, put into 
their Instructions, after Maryland was stnick out as aforesaid) to 
wit, that they should reduce all the Plantations in the Bay of 
Clieseapeack to the obedience of the Parliament, and some part of 



Maryland, where the L. Baltemore's chief Colony there is seated, 
being within that Bay, as well as most of the Plantations of 
Virginia are ; they required Captaine Stone, and the rest of the 
Lord Baltemore's Officers there, first to take the Ingagement, 
which they all readily subscribed, and declared, that they did 
in all humility submit themselves to the Government of the 
Commonwealth of England iu Chief under God ; then tlie Com- 
missioners required them to issue out Writs and Processe out of 
the L. Baltemore's Courts there iu the uame of the Keepers of 
the Liberty of England, and not in the name of the Lord Pro- 
prietary, as they were wont to doe, whereiu they desired to be 
excused ; because they did not eouceive the Parliament intended 
to devest the liOrd Baltemore of his right there, and that they 
understood out of England that the Coimcell of State intended 
not that any alteration should be made in Maryland. That the 
Kings name was never used heretofore iu the sayd Writs, but 
that they had alwayes been in the name of the Lord Proprietary, 
according to the Priviledgcs of his Patent, ever since the begin- 
ning of that Plantation ; that the late Act in England for changing 
of the forms of Writts declared only, that in such Writs and 
Process wherin the Kings name was former!)' used, the Keepers 
of the Liberty of England, should for the future be put instead 
thereof: that the continuing of the Writs in the Lord Proprietaries 
name, was essentiall to his Interest there, and that therefore they 
could not without breach of trust, concur to any such alteration ; 
whereupon the Commissioners demanded of Captain Stone the 
Lord Baltemore's Commission to him, which he delivered, aud 
then without any other cause at all, they removed the sayd Cap- 
tain Stone, and the Lord Baltemore's other Officers out of their 
Imployment there under him, and appointed others to manage 
the government of that Plantation, till the pleasure of the Councell 
of State and Parliament should be further known therin ; seized 
upon all the Hecords of the Place, and sent divers of them hither 
into England, all which they did without any opposition at all 
from Cap. Stone, or any other of the Lord Baltemore's Officers? 
in regard of their respect and reverence to the Commissioners of 
the Parliament. 


The Colony of Virginia, not long after, sent one Colonel] 
Mathews hither into England to get their Articles confirmed by 
the Parliament, which were read in the House on the 31 August 
1652. Upon the reading whereof a Petition of the Lord Balti- 
mores, and of about twenty more considerable Protestant Ad- 
venturers and Planters to and in Maryland, who are known by 
divers Members of the House to have been well alfccted alwayes 
to the Parliament, who signed the said Petition, was also read ; 
when it M'as humbly desired that before the House pass that 
Article concerning the old limits of Virginia the said Petitioners 
might be heard by their Couneell, in regard Maryland was long 
since esteemed part of Virginia, and therefore they were concerned 
in that Article ; and they further humbly desired tiie sayd 
Petition, that the Lord Baltemore's Officers might be restored to 
their places in Maryland under him, and that the Petitioners 
miglit quietly enjoy the Priviledges of the sayd Patent of Mary- 
land, upon confidence whereof, they had Adventured so much of 
their fortunes thither as aforesayd. 

Whereupon divers Parchments under the Lord Baltcmore's 
hand and scale, which were sent ont of Maryland, by the sayd 
Capt. Benuet, and Capt. Cleyborn, were at that time produced to 
the House by a Member thereof, who it seems conceived that 
there would appear something in them, wherby the Ijord Balte- 
more had forfeited his said Patent, or at least that his Authority 
in Maryland was not fit to be allowed of by the Parliament. 

The House on the 31 August 1652 referred tlie sayd Article 
concerning the old Limits of Virginia, to the Committee of the 
Navy to consider what Patent was fit to be granted to the In- 
habitants of Virginia, and to hear all Parties, and consider of 
their particular Claims, and report the same, with their Opinions 
to the Parliament and the sayd Parchments delivered in coneem- 
ing Marjdand, were also referred to the same Committee. 

The Lord Baltemore accordingly made his Claim before the 
said Committee, unto whom he delivered a true Copy of his said 
Patent, and desired therefore that the Patent which the Virginians 
were Suitors for, might not extend to any part of Maryland, it 
bang made appear to the said Committee, that that Province had 



not been for these 20 years last past aeeounted any part of 
Virginia, and that the Virginians had neither possession of any 
part thereof, at the time of the making of the said Artieles, nor 
for 20 years before, nor that the present Inhabitants of Virginia 
had ever at all any right unto it. 

Then, upon the suggestion of a Member of that Committee, 
eertain Exeeptions against the Lord Baltimores Patent, and his 
Proeeedings thereupon in Maryland, were shortly after presented 
in ■writing to the said Committee, unto whieh the Lord Baltemore 
put in his Answer also in writing, whieh was read, and the Com- 
mittee upon debate thereof (it seems) thought not fit to deliver 
any Opinion in the business, but Ordered, that the whole matter 
of fact should be stated by a Sub-Committee, and reported first to 
the said Grand Committee, and afterwards to the House. 

The Exeeptions aforesaid were many, but the substance of 
them are redueeable to these heads following, whieh are set down 
by way of Objections, with Answers to them. 1. Object. A 
pretended injury done to the Virginians by the said Patent, in 
regard Maryland was heretofore part of Virginia. 

Answer. The present Inliabitants of Virginia had never any 
right to Maryland, no more then to New-Eugland, which was 
part of that Country heretofore called Virginia, as well as Mary- 
land, but distinguished and seperated afterwards from it by a 
Patent as Maryland was. 

There was indeed a Patent heretofore granted by King James 
in the 7, yeare of his reign of a great part of that northern 
Continent of America, which was then called Virginia, to divers 
Lords and Gentlemen here in England, who were by that Patent 
erected into a Corporation, by the name of the Virginia Com- 
pany, in which tract of land granted to the said Company, that 
Couutry whieh is now called Maryland, was included, but that 
Patent Avas Legally evicted by a Quo Warranto in the then Kings 
Bench, in 21. year of the sayd King James, 8 or 9 years before 
the Patent of Maryland was grant-ed to the L. Baltemore ; which 
Company or Corporation the Inhabitants of Virginia desire not 
now to revive, by vcrtue of their Articles above mentioned, but 
abhor the memory of it, in regard of the great oppression and 

176 maeylajstd historical magazine. 

slavery they lived in under it, when it was on foot, so as they 
never having had any Patent, right, or possession of the sayd 
Proviuce of Maryland, there could be no injury done to them by 
the Lord Baltemore's sayd Patent, after the eviction of the sayd 
Virginia Companies Patent thereof. For it was as free in the 
kte Kings power to grant any part of that Continent not pos- 
sessed before by any Legall grant then in force from the Grown 
of England (which Maryland was not, at the time of the Lord 
Baltemore's Patent thereof) as it was for King James to grant 
the aforesaid Country to the said Virginia Company. 

2. Object. A pretended wrong done by the Ijord Baltemore 
to the above mentioned Capt. Cleyborn, in disposessing him of 
an Island in the sayd Province, called the Isle of Kent. 

2. Answer. It was a business above 14 years since, upon a 
ftill hearing of both parties, then present, decided by the then 
Lords Commissioners for Forraign Plantations, against the sayd 
Capt. Cleyborn and his Partners, M' Maurice Thomson and 
others, and the sayd Capt. f^lcyboru hath himself also by divers 
Letters of his to tlie Lord Baltemore, acknowledged the great 
wrong he did him therin ; which Letters were proved at the 
Committee of the Navy, and are now rcmayning with that Com- 
mittee : wherefore the Lord Baltemore humbly conceives, that 
against the sayd Capt. Cleyborns owne acknowledgement, and a 
Determination so long since of that business, and above 14 years 
quiet possession in the Lord Baltemore of the said Island, the 
Parliament will not think fit upon a private Controversie of 
meum and tuum, between him and the said Cleyborne, to impeach 
his Patent of the said Province, or his right to the said Island, 
but leave both parties to their legall remedy. 

3. Object. That the said Patent constitutes an hereditary 
Monarchy in Maryland, which is supposed, by some, to be incon- 
sistent with this Comon-wealth. 

3. Answer. The Jurisdiction and Stile which the Lord Balte- 
more useth in Maryland, is no other then what is warranted by 
his Patent (as may appearc by his answer at the Committee of 
the Navy to the Exceptions above mentioned, and by perusall of 
the said Patent) and that is onely in the nature of a County 



Palatine, subordinate, and dependent on the Supreamc Anthority 
of England ; for by the Patent, the soveraign Dominion, Alle- 
gianee, the fifth part of all Gold and Silver Oarc, which shall 
happen to be found there, and several! other Duties are reserved 
to the late King, his Heires, and Successors, who are now the 
Parliament of this Commonwealth : and although it be true, that 
a Monarchieall Government here which should have any power 
over this Commonwealth, wonld not be consistent with it, yet 
certainly any Monarchical Government in forraign parts which 
is subordinate to, aud dependent on, this Comonwealth, may be 
consistent with it, as well as divers Kings under that famous 
Commonwealth of the Romans heretofore were, insomuch as they 
thought it convenient and fit to constitute divers Kiugs under 
them. All Lords of Mannars or Liberties here in England may, 
in some kinde, be as well accounted Monarches within their 
severall Manners and Liberties as the Lord Baltemore in Mary- 
land ; for Writs issue, at this day, in their names out of their 
Courts within their respective Mannars and Liberties, and not in 
the name of the Keepers of the Libertle of England ; Oathos of 
Fealty are taken to them by their Tenants, and they have great 
Royalties and Jurisdictions, some more then others, and some as 
great in proportion, within their said Mannars and Liberties, 
as the Lord Baltemore hath in Maryland, exeept the power of 
making Lawes touching life and Estate, power of pardoning, 
and some few others of lesser concernment, which although they 
may not be convenieut for any one man to have in England, yet 
are they necessary for any (whether one man or a Company) that 
undertakes a Plantation, in so remote and wild a place as Mary- 
land, to have them there ; especially with such limitations as are 
in the Lord Balfcemore's Patent ; to wit, that the Laws be made 
with the consent of the Freemen of the said Province, or the 
major part of them, or their Deputies, and that they be consonant 
to reason, aud be not repugnant or contrary, but, as neare as 
conveniently may bee, agreeable to the Laws of England ; which 
limitations the Lord Baltemore hath not exceeded, as may 
appearc by his Answer to the Committee of the Navy to the 
Exceptions above mentioned ; and although it be not fit that any 



one Person should have a negative Voyce here in the making of 
Lawes, yet certainly, as no Company, so no single man, that is 
well in his wits, will be so indiscreet, as to undertake a Plantation 
at so vast an expencc as the Lord Baltemore hath, if after all his 
charge, pains, and hazards, which are infinite in such a busincssc 
sueh ueeessitous factious people as usually new Plantations consist 
of, for the most part, and went thither at his charge, or by con- 
tract or agreement witli him, should have power to make Lawes 
to dispose of him, and all his estate there, without his consent, 
and he be left without remedy ; for before the Supream Authority 
here, upon any appealc to it, will probably be at leisure from 
business of greater consequence, or perhaps have convenient 
means to relieve him, he may be ruined and destroyed ; such 
chargeable and hazardous things as Plantations are, will not be 
undertaken by any, whether it be a Company or a single man, 
without as great incouragcmeuts of priviledges as are in the Lo. 
Baltemore's Patent of Maryland ; and if it be not any prejudice, 
as certainly it is not, but more advantagious to the interest and 
honor of this Common-wealth, that an English man (although a 
Recusant, for the Lord Baltemore knows of no Lawes here 
aeainst Eecnsants which reach into America) should possess some 
part of that great Continent of America with the priviledges and 
jurisdictions aforesaid dependent on, and subordinate to it, then 
the Indian Kings or Forreigners (as the Dutch and Swedes afore 
mentioned) Avho have no dependency on it, as certainly it is, then 
he hopes the Parliament will not thinke it inconsistent with this 
Comon-wealth, but just that he should injoy the Eights and Priv- 
iledges of his Patent, upon confidence whereof, he and his friends 
have adventured the greatest part of their fortunes for the honour 
of this Nation, as well as their own particular advantage ; espe- 
cially seeing no other person hath any wrong done him therein, 
for none are compelled to go to IVIaryland, or to stay there, but 
know beforehand upon what termes tliey arc to be in that place; 
and the English Inhabitants of that Province are so well pleased 
with the Government constituted there by the said Patent, as that, 
by generall consent of the Protestants, as well as Roman Catho- 
liques, it is established by a Law there, as well as freedome of 



Conseienee aud exereise of Eeligion within that Province is, to all 
that profess to believe in Jesus Christ, as appears by the Laws of 
that Province now in the hands of the said Committee of the 
Navy, which makes it evident that a Petition lately read at that 
Committee, with ten unknown hands to it, in the name of tiie 
Inhabitants of Maryland, against the Lord Baltemore's sayd 
Patent, is eythcr wholly fictitious, or else signed by some few 
obseure factious fellows, which is easie to bee procured by any ill 
affected person, against any Government whatsoever. 

4. Object. That the Lord Baltemore gave his assent to cer- 
taine Lawes for Maryland in 1650 in one of which Lawes the 
late King Charles is stiled the late high and mighty Prince 
Charles the first of that name K. of England, &e. An^ in another 
of the said Lawes it is Enacted, That the Jj. Baltemore shall have 
10s. a hogshead for all Tobacco's ship't from Maryland in any 
Dutch Vessell and bound for any other Port then his Majesties, 
whci-eby some would infer, that hee did acknowledge a Charles 
the second to be King, &e., for that the word first, in one Law 
inferred a second, and by the word Majesty, in the other Law, 
the Lord Baltemore must mean the late Kings eldest son, for the 
lato King Charles was dead, when the Lord Baltemore assented 
to that Law, to wit, in August 1650. 

4. Answer. To this is answered, that, although those Lawes 
were assented unto by tlie Lord Baltemore in August 1650, yet 
it appears by his said Declaration of assent, that some of them 
were enacted in Maryland by the Assembly there, in April 1649, 
whereof that Law was one, wherein those words, to wit, any other 
Ports then his Majesties, arc inserted (as was proved to the said 
Committee of the Navy) at %vhich time, the people in Mainland 
could not know of the late Kings death, which was but in 
January then next before ; for in February, March, and April, 
ships usually return from those parts, and in September, October, 
and November, goe thither; so as the Assembly in Maryland 
could mean no body by that word Majesty, but the late King, 
and the L. Baltemore could have no other meaning but what the 
Assembly had, for he did but assent to what they had done, and 
was before enacted, as aforesaid : as to the other law, wherein 



those other words are inserted, to wit, the late high and mighty 
Prince Charles, the first of that name &c., it was one of those 
Laws which were passed by the Assembly in Maryland, in April 
1650, when the people there knew of the late Kings death ; to 
wit, a year after the other law above mentioned, with divers 
others, which were enacted in April 1649, as aforesaid, though in 
the ingrossment of them all here, (when the Lord Baltemore gave 
his assent to them altogether in August, 1650) it is written before 
it, because they were transposed here in snch order, as the Lord 
Baltemore thought fit, according to the nature, and more or lesse 
importance of them, placing the Act concerning Religion first, 
&c. And as to those words, the first of that name &c. the word 
first, doth not necessarily imply a second, as some infer upon it, 
no more then when the first bom of thy sonnes were commanded 
to be given to God, did imply a second, which was performed 
though there were never a second ; the word first, hath relation to 
the time past, and not to the time to come ; King James is stiled 
in History, James the first of that name, King, &c., though there 
were never a second of that name King of England, &c., and it 
is usually written and said, that a King died in the first year of 
his Raign when he lived not to enter into a second, the like 
whereof may be made out by many other instances ; and as the 
L. Baltemore is confident the Assembly in Maryland had no 
intention by those words, Charles the first &c. to infer a second 
King of that name, no more had he, in his assent to that Law, 
any such thought or meaning ; and the comportment of him and 
his Officers in Maryland above mentioned, towards the Parliam^t, 
and their friends, doth sufficiently confirme it. 

Among other prlvlledges granted to the L. Baltemore, and the 
Inhabitants of Maryland, by his said Patent, one is, (by an 
exprcsse clause therein inserted) that the said Province should not 
from thence forward be, or be reputed any part of Virginia, or 
bee dependent or subject to their Government in any thing, 
(although the Government of Virginia was then immediately in 
the Kings hands) but was, by the said Patent, (in express words) 
separated from it, and so it hath been ever since, which was one 
of the chiefest incouragements, upon confidence whereof, the L. 



Baltemore, and others, adventured so great a part of their estates 
thither as aforesaid ; for it was the priviledges and immunities, 
and not the land only, granted by the said Patent, which did 
chiefly induce the Lord Baltemore to make so great an Adventure, 
without which he would uot certainly, upon the conditions of a 
common Planter, have disbursed any thing upon a Plantation in 
America : Wherefore he hopes the Parliament will not think it 
just, or fit, to deprive him, and the Inhabitants of Maryland of 
so important a priviledgc, (which is tlieir inheritance, and dearly 
purchased by them) by putting them now under the Government 
of Virginia, upon colour of any Articles agreed on, when the 
Virginians were declared enemies of this Commonwealth, and the 
rather, because even in point of policy also, (as is humbly con- 
ceived) for certain Reasons of State hereunto annexed, it will be 
more advantageous to the honour and interest of this Common- 
wealth, to keep those two Governments still divided, and to pre- 
serve and protect the Lord Baltemore's rights and priviledges 
aforesaid in Maryland, then to destroy either of them. 

Reasons of State, CoNCEKNiira Maryland in America. 

First. It is much better to keep that Government still divided 
from Virginia (as it liath beene for these twenty yeares last past), 
then to unite them ; for, by that meanes, this Common-wealth 
will have the more power over botli, by making one an Instrument 
(as occasion shall require) to keep the other in its due obedience 
to this Common-wealth. 

2. Secondly, in case any defection should happen in either Col- 
ony (as lately was in Virginia) the other may be a place of refuge 
for such as shall continue faithfull to tliis Common-wealth, as 
Maryland lately was, upon that occasion, which it could not have 
beene, in case the Government of that place had been, at that 
time, united unto, or had had any dependence on Virginia. 

3. Thirdly, it will cause an emulation in both, which of them 
shall give the better account of their proceedings to the Supreme 
Authority of this Common-wealth, on which they both depend,, 




and also which of them shall give better satisfaction to the 
Planters and Adventurers of both. 

4. Fourthly, the Lord Baltemore having an estate, and his 
residence in England, tiiis Commonwealth will have a better 
assurance of the due obedience of that Plantation, and tlie 
Planters and Adventurers thither, of having right done unto them, 
in case the Government thereof have still a dependence on him, 
and he upon this Commonwealth, (as he had before on the lata 
King) then if the Government of that place as so remote a 
distance, should be disposed of into otlier hands who had little or 
nothing here to be responsible for it, and whose interest and resi- 
dence were wholly there. 

5. Fifthly, by the continnance of his Interest in the Govern- 
ment thereof, this Commonwealth and the people there, are eased 
of the charge of a Deputy Governour ; which he, at his own 
charges, maintains, the Inhalntants there being yet so poor, (and 
so like to be for many years) as they are not able to contribute 
any thing towards it. 

6. Sixthly, if the L. Baltemore should, by this Commouwealth, 
be prejudiced in any of the rights or priviledges of his Patent of 
that Province, it would be a great discouragement to others in 
forraign Plantations, upon any exigency, to adhere to the interest 
of this Commonwealth, because it is notoriously known, that, 
by his exprcsse direction, his Officers and the people there, did 
adhere to the interest of this Commonwealth when all other 
English Plantations (except New-England) declared against the 
Parliament, and at that time received tlieir friends in time of 
distresse, for which he was like divers times to be deprived of 
his Interest there, by the Colony of Virginia, and others, who 
had Commission from the late Kings eldest sonne for that pur- 
pose, as appears by a Commission granted by him to Sir William 
Davenant. the Original whereof remaines with the Councell of 
State, and a true Copy thereof is hereunto annexed. 


[In the Maryland Historical Society's collections is a MS. journal of Lieut. 
Gorrell, commandant of a post on Lake Michigan, 1761-63. In Parkman's 
Conspiracy of Pontiae, portions of this journal are cited, and the whole was pub- 
lished from Parkman'a transcript, in tlie WBConsin Historical Society's collec- 
tions, Vol. I. In the same ms. is an account of another expedition, not included 
ia Parkisftn'g traaseript, which is here reproduee^.] 

Lieu! James Gorrolls Journall from Montreal on the Expedition 
Commanded by Major Wilkins with some account of that 
Expedition &o. 

August the 17'^ 1763, loft Montreal in Company with Lieut. 
William Lesslie. As we was both in the Generall Retention, 
General Gage was so Good as to dismiss us from the Regiment 
& ordered Coll Haldiman who Commanded the Royall Ameri- 
cans there to Appoint one of the old I*ieu*? who was to go to the 
first Battalion in our Room take Charge of Captain Etherington's 
Men what was left alive from Mishamakahak Except Two that 
Ramained Prisoners with the Chipways and was before men- 
tion'd and my Garrison From La Bay as he thought it was proper 
for us to wait upon Sir Jeffery Amherst iu order as we had not 
an Oppertunity to have our Ace*? Pass'd By Major Gladwin who 
was to Approve of and pass all Acco^ which belong'd to the 
posts depending on Detroit, and Therefore made uo doubt but 
the General wou'd pass them, as it would be hard for us to wait 
on Half pay. He General Gage was so good as to Give me a 
pass Requesting The Officers who Cwnmand'd at the different 
posts to Forward me. The 18"" "We lay at Prereas, the 19"". 
Arriv'd at S'. Treis, Got a Batteau & Arrived at SJ Johns the 
20'?, set sail in one of the King's Sloops on lake Champlain with 
a fair wind but in a few hours the wind turn'd ahead so that we 
were on that Lake untill the 31^'., When we arrived at Crown 
point we showed our orders to Coll? Elliott of the 55'^" Regiment 
who Command'd there but was Refus'd any Aasktanee, so that 



■we had hard Geting A Boat ; however by paying an Extraordi- 
nary price we got one. September the V} we arriv'd at Tieonde- 
rogo, pass'd the Cariying place To Lake George, set sail and 
arriv'd at Sabbath day Point. We arriv'd at Fort George the 
3"^ staid here one day and hier'd horses and set out. The 
4*? pass'd Fort Edward. Wc lay near Saratoga. Next Day 
arriv'd at Albany. There we Receiv'd oi'ders to mareh Imme- 
diately to Ifeagra & Join Major Wilkins who had the Command 
of the Expedition for Detroit. The 8'? we left Albany and 
Arriv'd the same day at Seheueetady, The 9* Lay up the 
Moliack Eiver; the 10'? lay in the woods about the Gorman 
flats ; the IT? at Fort Stanwix ; the 12^'.> at the Royal Blaekhold; 
the 13 ? Cross'd the lake to Fort Bravington ; the 14''' at Oswego ; 
the IG'? at Oswego where was Oblig'd to wait, the wind being 
Contrary. In this Time Major Monerieff Arriv'd here from 
General Amherst on his way for Detroit, who Join'd us. The 
19"" we Receiv'd the Melancholy news of Lieu* Campbell & 
Eraser of the 80'? R^ment with Lieutenant Rusk of the 
Artillery & Captain Johnson of the Provincials with About 90 
N'on-Commissiou'd officers and private men being kill'd & scalped, 
Also that the Indians had destroy'd all the Avaggons and kill'd 
and Taken all Oxen and horses at the Carrying place at Niagra, 
upon which Major Duncan, officer Commanding at Oswego, 
ordered Eight Oxen with Harness to be Embarked on Board the 
sloop with us. We sail'd the 22'1 & the 24"' arriv'd at JSTiagra 
and put our selves under the Command of Major Wilkins who 
then lay at the lower landing. As to particular or even Exact 
dates I will not pretend to do, as there was Severall Gentlemen of 
the different Corps has taken an Excct Journal, in Particular 
Major Moneriff. I shall therefore make mention only of some of 
the Extraordinary Accidents that happend. We were employ'd 
in Carrying Provision for the Expedition about three weeks, 
during which time lost all our Oxen. Nothwitlistanding of tlie 
Wether and Road being knee deep en mud in most parts, the 
Majy [made] a trip once a day. Four men Carrying a Barrell which 
Commonly weigh'd 250 or 300. The Carrying place is 9 Mile 
the Front & Rear Taking it day, at the other Carrying arms. 



The Eoyall Americans and 80*'' Eeg^ Held out well ; But the 
plattoons under the Command of Cap' Gardiner being wore out in 
Service at the Havannah &°, could not make out to Cany. The 
Greatest Number was Either taken Sick or died ; however we got 
a Sufficient Quantity of Provision for to Supply Detroit as well 
as the Expedition, had we not mett with the Most unlucky acci- 
dent that Ever was Viz. 

In the first place we was after Geting up the Rappids at the 
Entrance of the Lalie Erie having all the Provisions on board 
and having sent Our sick men as well as the wounded which 
Came in the Sloop from Detroit, Down in large Scows to Fort 
Stoushcr, the Major Order'd half the 60*? & SO'."" Eegments men 
ashore to haul up the Sloop. Leaving their Arms in their Re- 
spective Boats the plattoons being in The Rear immediately after 
Calling in their Advance Guards & Sentinels in order to Embark, 
immediately the Indians Fired on the Canoes in the Rear which 
belong'd to the plattoons which Caused disorder in "Whole Troops 
Consisting upwards of 600 Brave men which could Fight or go 
through any Diffieultys with their Equell number of Troops. 
The Indians Drove off 2 Batteaus, kill'd about 13 men, wounded 
Severall. Among the number was Lieu! James Johnson Late of 
Gorham's Rangers who was Mortally wounded. All the men in 
his Batteau Being kill'd Except his Servant. He got to Fort 
Shriver which is 18 Miles down; it was imposible for him to 
Return. The Stream was so Rapped that no number of men Can 
Come up but by hauling. The Lieu! Johnson Died of his wounds 
immediately after his Arrivall at Niagra. However on the Firing 
all the men Got Ashore as Quick as Posible Except one man left 
in Each Batteau. Captain Gardiner and his men who was next 
to the Indians immediately landed and pursued them into the 
woods. The Major order'd the 60*? to keep on the Bank & 
ordered the 80'.'' who was in the front to take a Circle in the 
woods and indeavour to Surround them in the woods upon the 
Right of the 60"', Gardiner to Continue on the Left as it was 
Immagin'd a number of tiiem wanted to destroy our Batteaus. 
But it being a deep swamp Round the Bank Found it impractica- 
ble. Captain Grardiner Lieu! Stoughton Badly wounded, one 



Soldier of the plattoon Kill'd, one wounded, one of 60*? kill'd & 
three wounded, one of which died with His wounds. It was not 
Suppos'd there was Above 20 or 30 of those Villains By their 
Tracks. It is Cartain their was a white man amongst them who 
scalped One of the wounded Soldiers who Came in and Liv'd 
some time. He ask'd Him, the Soldier, while he was scalping 
him what Shire in England he Came from and said he was an 
Englishman. In the Afternoon we sent Captain Gardiner & 
Lieu* Stoughton aboard of the Sloop, pursued our voyage untill 
almost dark where we landed at a point & Dress'd provision for 
Two or three days. At 10 o'Clook at night we set sail & Con- 
tinued all night & next day Untill we Came to the long point. 
There obliged to stay for 10 days. The day we Left that got a 
good wind until we Came to a place Call'd fish Creek where we 
were obliged to lay 9 days more. The 9*? day the wind favouring 
us the Major order'd us all off With Instructions to keep well 
out from the land and to Continue all niglit. About two hours 
after Darke there arose a Storm, we left our Batteaus, tlie most 
of the largest and best Batteaus Infantry. The Largest and best 
Batteaus which lieutenant Davidson with ' And all 

the powder Boates was left. In this Storm was Drownded Lieu- 
tenant Davidson of the Arrtellery, Lieu! Painter, Late of the 
Independent, Doctor Williams of the SO''^ Regiment, with 4 
Serjeants, 63 Private & one Canadian. 

The Next day we Attempt'd to Gather the Wreck but found 
Little or none Except Lieu! Davidson & about 6 men which we 
Buried. Next day the Major Call'd A council of officers to Con- 
sult what was best to be Done as all the Ammunition was Lost 
& all their Cartriches ^vet, not so much as a Cartrieh left Dry, 
upon which they Concluded it best to send the Friend Indians 
who Came with us to Niagra and to Detroit with a letter to 
Major Gladwin as they were told to acquaint tlie Major of our 
Coming. The letter was Enclos'd in an Indian's powderhorn 
between two bottoms made for that purpose wherein he was 
Acquainted with a truth of our Misfortune and as soon as the 
Indians were gone out of S^ht we Set Sail & arriv'd ait Niagm 
Latter End Novemf 



NB Shortly after we arriv'd at Niagra Came the Captains 
Rogers Hopkins & Montezour witih a party Major Gladwin had 
sent from Detroit, who inform'd us as foUowes : that notwith- 
standing our Bad success our Expedition was of Good Conse- 
quence for the Good of the Service, for the Indians who always 
has Spycs had been Inform'd of such a large Body of us Coming 
which Frightn'd them so that they begun to beg for peace with 
Major Gladwin who told them That they had been so bad that 
he Could not make Peace with them, but if They Expecfd to be 
forgiven to Disperse and Go to their hunting Grounds as well, he 
wou'd Consider of it Against their Return. M" Pontiack They 
say'd Promised to inform of the Canadians who was Consarn'd 
in it. However they went to tlieir hunting Agreeable to the 
Majots Request, upon which the Major sent out and Gather'd 
all the Com & provision they Could Get from the Inhabitants so 
that with it & What the Sloop took up they were supply'd with 
provision for 200 Men. The East of the Garrison he stmt to 
Niagra there they BeBEiaiiBd under the Comsaand of the Above 
Mention'd Officers. 

The 28*? of November Major MoncreflF with the plattoons 
Embark'd on board of the sloop. The 29'? we Embark'd on 
board the Snow where we arrived in two Days. The Major made 
all the hast posible, But the severity of the weather and the 
River being Frozen at Albany before we Could Arrive and Car- 
riage being Hard to Get for the sick & lame so that it was the 

JanT 1764 before we arriv'd at New York which time the 
General order'd all the half pay officers to be paid half pay From 
the Commencement of the Campaign, and there was three Trans- 
ports waiting for to Carry us home but as I Could not Get the 
Kings Accompts Contracted at La Bay settled untill Major 
Gladwin wa« obliged to stay until thm. 




To all to whome these presents shall come Greetiuge in our 
Lord God, everlasting whereas John Delabarr, William Clobery, 
Maurice Thompson, Simon Turgis and William Claiborne have 
made redie and sett forth the good ship the Affrica of London for 
transportation of passengers into Virginia as alsoe for trade and 
other designes as shalbe found most beneficiall for the said voy- 
adge In which inployment the said William Claiborne goethe 
chicfe commander now know ye that we the said J ohu Delabarr, 
William Clobery, Maurice Thompson and Simon Turgis doe 
committ and referr the manadgeing and prosecution of the said 
voiadge unto the said William Claiborne to doe execute and 
performe therein all and every thing and things which are law- 
fuUie to be done or may any wayes concerne the good of the said 
voyadge, wherein the said William Claiborne is to doe his best 
indeavour for the profitt and benefitt of the said Adventurers. 
And the said William Claiborne doth hereby covenant and 
promise to keepe and render unto the said adventurers a true and 
just aecompt of all his proceedings, and alsoe of such commodities 
and goodes as shalbe had or obteyned by trade with the Indians 
or otherwise shall arise. In consideration whereof the said 
William Claiborne is to have one part of all profitt and bene- 
fitt which shalbe made by the said imployment in what kind 
soever or by what meanes soever the same shall accrew And 
the said John Delabarr, William Clobery, Maurice Thompson and 
Simon Turgis doe further covenant and promise to allow and 
accept of all such reasonable and necessary charges and expenccs 
for the generall stocke as the said William Claiborne shall finde 
necessary and requisite for and about the manageing of the said 
voyadge. Lastlie the said William Claiborne doth covenant and 
promise by the first retume of shipping to send such commodities 
furrs bills of exchange <fec. as he shall anye way be able to pro- 



cure for the said account unto the said Adventurers. And to the 
true intent and meaning of these presents tlie said John Delabarr, 
AVilliam Clobery, Maurice Thompson, Simon Turgis and William 
Claiborne doe bind themselves each to other theire executors 
administrators and assigns In \yitness whereof the said John 
Delabarr, William Clobery, Maurice Thompson, William Claiborne 
and Simon Turgis have hereunto sett theire handes the 24*? day 
of May Anno domini 1631. 

w*' c1.aib0bne 
Maur Thompson. 


[The Kev. (afterwards Archbishop) John Carroll accompanied Messrs. Franlc- 
lin, Chase, and Charles Carroll of Carrollton on their unsuccessful mission to in- 
duce the Canadians to make common cause with the revolted colonies. The gentle- 
man to whom it is addressed was the father of Charles Carroll of Carrollton.] 

Philadelphia June 2? 1776. 

Hon"! Df 

I arrived at this place the day before yesterday in company 
with Df Franklin. Cousin Charles and Mf Chace left Montreal 
with me on the 12*? of May, that they might not be in any 
danger from a frigate running up the River and getting between 
them, & the Eastern shore of S. Laurence. As Df Franklin 
determined to return to Philadelphia, on account of his health, I 
resolved to accompany him, seeing it was out of my power to be 
of any service, after the Commissioners had thought it advisable 
for them to leave Montreal. Your son and Mf Chace proposed 
staying at St. John's or in that neighbourhood, till they should 
know whether our army would keep post at De Chambeau : and 
the former desired me to give you notice of his being safe and 
well. Since I left him, it has not been in my power to do it 
before this day, as we unfortunately chanced to come to every 



post town on our road sometimes a day, sometimes a few hours 
too late for the mail. When I left him, he expected to follow us 
in a few days ; but Mf Hancock tells me that if an express, sent 
some days since from Congress, reaches them before they have 
left Canada, he is of opinion they will continue there for som« 
time. I shall set out from hence next week, and propose doing 
myself the pleasure of calling at Elk-ridge. My afif '? and respect- 
ful comply to M"? Damall and Carroll with love to Polly. 
Nothing new from Canada, nor indeed any advices at all since 
we left it. Great divisions here between the contending parties. 
1 have presumed to trouble you to forward the inclosed, and 

Hon" sr 
Yf aff'.'' kinsman & hum: Serv^ 

J. Caeroll. 

Ten tons of powder, 

500 small arms came in yesterday 

Cos" Charles rec* large packets of letters from you a few days 
before we left Montreal. 


Charles Carroll, Sen', Esq', 
to the Care of M' Lux 





1. Capt. Thomas Tasker^ was eommissioned one of the 
Justices of Calvert County 30 May 1685 (J/d. Ardi., xvii, 
379), and was also in the eommission from 1689 to 1692 
{Md. Arch., viii, 145 ; Test. Proc., xvi, 8, 28, 44). In 1689 
he signed tlie Declaration of the inhabitants of Calvert 
County for not choosing Burgesses (J/d. Arch., viii, 110). 
He represented the County in tlie Assembly from 1692 till 
1697 (3Id. Arch., xiii, 351 ; xix, 355) and was a member of 
Council from 18 March 1698/9 (il/ci. Arch., xxv, 55) until 
his death. He was commissioned a Justice of the Provincial 
Court 17 Oet. 1694 {Md. Arch., xx, 137), and was Treasurer 
of the Province in 1 69 5 (ibid., 274). 4 September 1 6 8 9 he was 
eommissioned Captain of Foot in the Calvert County Militia 
(JIfd. Arch., xiii, 242), and is frequently designated by his 
military title. He attended a Council meeting 18 July 
1700 {3Id. Arch., xa.v, 101), and his will was proved 31 
August following, so that he apparently died in August 
1700. In the year 173G a eommission was appointed to 
perpetuate testimony in regard to the Tasker pedigree 
(Chancery, IR., No. /l, fol. ^Bftff.). It was in evidence 
before this eommission that Thomas Tasker married in 1676 
a widow, Mrs. Brooke, who died about 1695, but her identity 
is not further established. In his will (dated 16 March 
1699, proved 3 August 1700) he makes provision for his 
mother, Mrs. Ann Tasker. 

Capt. Thomas Tasker * and Brooke his wife, had 

issue : — 

i. Thomcas Tasker,' d. unmar. in England, about 1696. 

2. ii. JoHif Tasker, d. 1711. 

3. iii. Hon. Benjamin Taskeb, b. 1690 ; d. 19 June 1768. 

iv. Elizabeth Tasker, b. 1686 ; d. 10 February 1706 ; married 21 April 
1701, C!ol. Thomas Addison of Prince George's Co. 

2. John Taskek^ (Thomas*) of Calvert County, died in the 
year 1711. In his will dated 22 September 1711, and proved 
17 October following (Annapolis, Lib. 13, fol. 233) he men- 
tions his wife Eleanor, his son Thomas Tasker (under 18 
years old), his aunt Elizabeth Sury, and his brother Benja- 
min Tasker. He married Eleanor, daughter of Col. Thomas 
Brooke of Brookfield, Prince George's County, and she mar- 
ried secondly Charles Sewall (d. 1742) of Eltonhe«d Manor, 



St, Mary's County (Magazine, i, 186) Her father's will 
mentions " my daughter Eleanor Scwall (wife of Mr. Charles 
Sewall) " and her eldest son Thomas Tasker. 
John Tasker and Eleanor (Brooke) his wife, had issue : — 

i. Thomas Taskeb,' d. 1734; mar. Clare, dau. of Major Nicholas Sewall, 
and had an only child John,* who died young, about 1736 (Chancery, 
IR., No. 3, 800 ff.). Mrs. Clare Tasker mar. 2°. Wm. Young. 

3. Hon. Benjamin Tasker^ (Thomas') was born in 1690 
according to a deposition made in 1741, wherein he gives his 
age as 51 years (IR., No. 4, 365). He M'as a Justice of 
Anne Arundel County 1714-17, and High Sheriff of the 
County 1717-18 (A. A. Co., Court Eecord). He was a 
member of the Council of Maryland from 4 November 1722 
until his death in 1768 (U. H. Journals), and 1752-53, as 
President of the Council, he was Acting Governor of the 
Province (ibid.). The inscription on his tombstone, in St. 
Ann's Church yard, Annapolis, states that he was President 
of the Council for thirty-two years. Agent and Receiver 
General of the Province, and Judge of the Prerogative Court. 
He was a Justice of the Provincial Court, and member of the 
Quorum, from 1729 to 1732 (Commission Book), and he was 
Mayor of Annapolis 1721, 1726, 1750, 1754 and 1756 
(Riley's AncicMt Ciiy). He died on Sunday, 19 June 1768, 
in the 79th year of his agej and the Maryland Gazette, of the 
23rd inst. gives a lengthy obituary. He married, 31 July 
1711, Ann, daughter V Hon. William Bladen (b. 1673; 
d. 1718), Secretary of Maryland 1701, Attorney General 
1707, and Commissary General 1714. Her brother, Col. 
Thomas Bladen (b. 1698; d. 1780), Governor of Maryland 
1742-47 and later member of Parliament, married Barbara 
Janssen, daughter of Sir Theodore Janssen, Bart., and sister 
of Mary Janssen, wife of Charles, fifth Lord Baltimore. 
Benjamin Tasker and Ann (Bladen) his wife, had issue : — 

i. "VViLtiAM Tasker,' b. 3 July 1713 ; d. 18 M.arch 1715. 

ii. Besjamin Tasker, b. 29 Sept. 1717 ; d. 13 Nov. 1717. 

iii. Bladen Tasker, b ; d. 17 Jan'y 1721. 

iv. Col. Benjamin Tasker, b. 14 Feb'y 1720 ; member of Council 

1744-60, and Secretary of Maryland ; d. unmar. 17 Oct. 17C0, and is 
buried at St. Ann's, Annapolis. 
V. Bladen Tasker, b. 28 June 1722 ; d. 22 Aug. 1723. 
vi. Ann Tasker, b. 7 Oct. 1728 ; mar. Gov. Samuel Ogle, 
yii. Eebecoa Taskeb, b. 4 JSTov. 1724 ; mar. 16 Sept. 1749, Hon. Daniel 

viii. Elizabeth Taskeb, b. 4 Feb'y 1726 ; d. 19 Sept. 1789 ; mar. 14 May 

1747, Christopher Lowndes, 
ix. Bladen Tasker, b. 4 Feb'y 1730 ; d. you:ig. 

X. Frances Tasker, mar. 2 April 1754, Eobert Carter of Nominy, West- 
moreland Co., Va. 




Communicated by Mk. Lothrop Withikgton, 30 Little Edsselt. 
Stkebt, W. C, Londok. Incltjbing unpublished 
NOTES OF Mb. Henry F. Watees. 

Ualph Habwood of Ivondon, merchant. Will 1 June 1684 ; 
provd 8 July 1684. To my wife Martha £500 to be disposed 
of among my children at her discretion within twelve years after 
my decease. To my son Ralph Harwood when he shall be 21, 
£500. As my property consists for the most parts in ships or 
adventures at or beyond the Seas, my executors to sell the same 
when opportunity arises and invest the proceeds in mortgage on 
lands or in other securities. The said profits to be divided into 
four parts, one for my wife, the others among my three children. 
Executors : my two friends, Air. John Browne and Mr. Thomas 
Sands. Witnesses : James Dryden, Ralph Cooper, John Har- 
wood, Robert Davics. Codicil 9 June 1684. John Harwood, 
William Acres, Racliell Babington, Ralph Cooper. To my 
Brother Mr. Thomas Harwood and his wife Mary Harwood £10 
apiece, and a further bequest of plate and jewels above the fourth 
share to my wife Martha. Hare, 90. 

Thomas Habwood of Streatley, County Berks, Esq. Will 
22 April 1704 ; proved 14 March 1712/13. To my son Richard 

Harwood £100. To my grandchildren Mary, Thomsis, and Anne 
Burley £oO apiece when 21 or married, if they all die then their 
legacies to go to my son, Thomas Harwood. To my grandsons 
Thomas, John and Harwood Abery £50 apiece when 21. To my 
grandchildren Elizabeth, Mary, Anne Wylde and Martha Silke 
£30 apiece when 21 or married. To my grandchildren Thomas 
Harwood, John Harwood, and Dorothy Harwood £30 apiece 
when 21. To tlie children of my son Richard Harwood who 
shall be livii^ at my death £90 when 21. To my daughter 
Elizabeth Brent, to visit my grandson Swanley Harwood at least 
once a year until he be twelve and ask him if he be properly 
eared for, and if not to ask my son Thomas to give his assistance, 
£50. To son Thomas my leasehold messuage in Lymehouse, 
Stepney, County Middlesex, to be sold and divided into seven 
parts, one to himself, one to son Richard Harwood, one to daugh- 



ter Elizabeth Brent, one to daughter Mary Silke one to daughter 
Sarah Abery, one to grandson Swanley Harvvood, one to grand- 
children, Mary, Thomas, and Anne Burley. All tlie rest of my 
goods and parts of ships to son and executor, Thomas Harwood. 
To my son Richard Harwood all my plantations in Maryland in 
America and whereas my son John Harwood by his will dated 24 
August 1700 gave unto his son the aforesaid Swanley Harwood 
one half of his estate, making myself and my wife Mary, since 
deceased, his executors and whereas his estate amounts to £2000, 
£1000 of which I have kept as Swanley's share, I give to my son 
Thomas my lands in Streatly and at Stanford Hill, Tottenham 
High Cross, County Middlesex, late in tenure of William Burr on 
condition he pays to the said Swanley £40 a year for his education 
and keep till he is 21, and then pays him £1000 and £400 which 

1 now give him. Witnesses : John Hosea, Alexander Hoggou, 
John Booker. Leeds, 61. 

Anthony Penbuddock. Will 29 December 1641; proved 

2 May 1642. To my wife all my personal estate and what money 
shall come to me from the Lord Windsor lately deceased, or from 
Lord Herbert, sou and heir of the Earl of Worster ; after her 
decease to my two daughters Jane aud Lucy Penruddocke ; also I 
give her all my rents in New Street in Salisbury, and at her 
decease to my daughters, failing them to George Penruddocke, Esq. 
If my cosen George Penruddocke or my cosen Edward Penrud- 
docke, the six Clarke, like to buy them, they are to have them at 
a more reasonable price than other people. To my Cosen George 
Penruddocke my sword and belt and all ray bookes in my study. 
To Cosen Edward Penruddocke, the sixe Clarke, a gould ring. To 
my very good neece Lady Jane Fitz AVilliam, and to her husband 
Colonell Fitz William, a gold ring each. To my only sister Mrs. 
Eliza Seaborne 40s for a ring, aud to each of my daughters 20s. 
for a ring. Executors ; my wife and Cosen George Penruddocke. 
Overseer : Cosen Edward Penruddocke, the six Clarke, and I 
desire all men to know I die a true Roman Catholic. iNIy land in 
Marie Land to my daughters, and because my cosen John Pen- 
ruddocke of Hale shall see I die in charity with all the world I 
say God bless Him. Piwed by Jane the relict. Cambell, 60 

Christopher Birkheab of the City of Bristol!, mariner. 
Will 11 November 1675 ; proved 25 October 1676. To my wife 
Joane and my son Nehemiah 500 acres called Birkheads in Ann 
Arundell County in Maryland ; after my wife's decease he is to 

MARYLAND GLEA»t»«« IK ]^@X.Am). 


have it all, and to stock and plant with fruit trees (400 apple trees 
capable of bearing fruit in four years) that plantation called little 
BristoU in Talbot County on the northside of the great Choptanck 
River which is to be divided as follows, 400 acres to my son 
Solomon and the rest to my son Eleazar ; if my son Nehemiah 
refuse to stock, he is to pay each of them £50. To son Solomon 
my plantation iu Maryland called Birkheads Lot lying on the 
Ridge of Ann xVrundell County. To my wife 1/16 part of the 
ship Society of Bristoll, the other 1/16 to my son Nehemiah. To 
my sons Solomon and Eleazer my ship the Friendshipp now at 
sea to be used for them till they are 1 9. One-third of my goods 
to my wife, the rest to my children. To my friends Charles 
Golduey and Charles Grould £10 to give to the poor. To my 
sister Mai^ret Smith, widow, £5. To her children £5. Execu- 
tor : Son Nehemiah ; if he die, my Brother and Brothers in law, 
Abraham Birkhead of Maryland, John Day, Dyer, and Robert 
Day, cooper, and my friend John Host, curryer. Witnesses : 
William Meredith, John Day, Thomas Dawe, Edmond Wamert 
Richard Gray. Bence, 127. 

John Wardeop, Calvert County in Province of Maryland, 
Mcrehant. Will 2 September 1758 ; proved 1 July 1767. To 
Nephew Andrew Whytc, House and Furniture in Lower Marl- 
borough, stock of Cattle, my horse, Negroe fellow Tom, Negroe 
Wench Frank, with £100 sterling. To sister Jean Kelly £20 
sterling yearly on first of June, and after her death till her three 
youngest children are of age or married, then £500 in full etc. 
To John and Jean Holden near Dundee £20 sterling yearly ditto. 
To Alexander and Andrew with their sister Jean Symmes, my 
Nephews and Neice, the said Alexander and Andrew Symmes 
Bond dated 10 December 1756 for £500 etc. To Mrs. Ann 
Russell spouse to friend Mr. James Russell for many good offices 
£100. To Miss Ann Russell and Miss Mary Russell £250 each 
when of age or married. To Mr. Chai-les Grahame my Attorney 
in Maryland my INIulatto Fellowe William Gale with half of 
Sloop Betsey and half of the fifteen Hh* Flat with any profits on 
condition he lays it out for purchasing Negroe Wenches for a 
stock for his daughter Azenath Grahame my god-daughter. To 
Mr. James Diek and Mr. Charles Grahame £20 each for rings for 
themselves and family. Executor : Mr. James Russell of Lou- 
don. Witnesses : Kensey Johns, Samuel Galloway, Hancock Lee. 
[Testator described in probate act book as of parish of All Hal- 
lows Stalling, London aad exeomtor of Oilwrt County, Mary- 
land.] Legard 288. 



WAiiTEK Scott of the Province of Maryland but at present 
residing in London, Merchant. Will 26 February 1752; proved 
14 March 1752. To Walter Scott and company of Glasgow, 2 
lots of land belonging to me at Portobacco in Maryland. To 
James Aruwur and John Stewart of London, Merchants, lands 
granted me by Henry Wyue and Sarah Wyne, vizt: Laud in 
Portobacco iu Charles County called Simpsons Delight 300 acres. 
3 parcels more one of 200 acres called Warrall, Londou 100 acres, 
Blorksith 100 acres. Land at Naujcmy in Charles County called 
Glovers point, 200 acres and land near Piscataway called Pithly 
200 acres and 3 parcels more at the head of the Wicomico River 
called Burtous 90 acres, Sudmooe's Adventure 37 acres and also 
the benefit of an assignment from the said Henry Wyne of all 
moneys due from Honorable Benjamiu Young Esquire of Mary- 
laud, and make them residuary Legatees and Executors of this 
my will. Betteswortb 78. 

Baknbt Bond, late of the Proviucc of Maryland in America, 
but now of the Parish of Saint Ann Lime House, County Middle- 
sex. Will 25 January 1741/2; proved 20 April 1749. My 
freehold lands in Maryland, one netir Gun Powder River, one at 
the head of Bush River, and one in Nodd Forest or a certain 
place called the Land of Nodd to be in three parts, one to my 
wife Alice Bond, and the other two parts to my daughter Mary 
and the child my wife is now pregnant with, or the survivors, and 
if they should die before 21 years of age, half to my wife and the 
other half to my Brothers Peter and William Bond, and my 
sister Anne Bond. My wife trustee for my child, if she marry 
again my cousin Mr. William Bond of Maryland. Executrix : 
Wife Alice. Witnesses : Charles Barnard, John Lugg, Thomas 
Coulthred No. 2. Glass House Yard, Minories. Lisle 100. 

John Lomas of Annapolis in Jlaryland, but now of the City 
of Glasgow in North Britain, gentleman. Will 22 October 1754 ; 
proved 22 November 1757. To AYalter Johnson, John Mill and 
George Spenee of London, merchants, and to their executors all 
my estate in Great Britain and all interest elsewhere and in the 
estate of my deceased Brother Henry Lomas by virtue of agree- 
ment between my sister Mary Boson and her husband John Roson 
and myself in trust to pay as follows. To my sister Mary Roson 
£30 per annum for life. To said John Roson £50. To my friend 
James Johnson of Glasgow merchant all the interest of my estate 
and afber his decease to his wiis Mafrgarett and after ike decease 



of both of them amongst the children of the said James and 
Margaret when 21. Residuary Legatee and Executor : said 
James Johnson. Witnesses : John Somervale, Robert Colquhoun, 
William McKinzic. Proved by John Mill attorney for James 
Johnson. Herring, 331. 

Edwakd Warner, Citizen and Distiller of London, of St. 
Botolphs Aldgate. Will 31 August 1722; proved 20 March 
1723/4. My lands or Plantations in Maryland to my wife Mary. 
My personal estate to be divided, one third to my wife, and one 
third among my sons. My daughter Mary now wife of Richard 
Wright having been already advanced. Rest to my wife. Codicil 
3 September 1722. The other one third of my estate as follows : 
one half to my wife and one half to my sous Edward, 
Richard, and Samuel Warner. Executor : my wife. 11 October 
1723 appeared William Rolfe of Parish of St. Edward the King, 
London, haberdasher, one of the Dissent«rs called Quakers and 
Richard Wright of St. Gabriel Fenchurch Street, London, Mer- 
chant and declare that the above is the writing of Edward Warner 
of St. Botolph Aldgate, distiller, deceased. Proved by son 
Edward, wife renouncing. Bolton 73. 

Francis Roiae of Maryland. Will 17 November 1724; 
proved 7 December 1724. To my wife Dorothy RoUe her dowry 
of my estate, the residue among ray four sons Robert RoUe elder, 
Francis RoUe second, Fhidemon Rolle third, Henry RoUe fourth. 
Executor : Amaolt Hawkins of Maryland. Witnesses : John 
Dunkin, George Coats, William Curtis. (Signed as Francis 
Rolls). Bolton 282. 

Phebe Finch. Will 8 September 1756 ; proved 18 Febru- 
ary 1757. To my grand Daughter Phebe Finch "of in Potenx- 
ent, Maryland " £20. Residuary Legatee and sole Executrix : 
My daughter Elizabeth Higgonson. Witnesses : W^illiam Martin, 
Elinor Sedgwick. Proved by Elizabeth Higginson the executrix, 
widow. Herring 48. 




Monthly Meetings. 

March 8, 1909. — Two notewortiiy additions to the Society's 
collections ^verc auuounced and shown on this date: a water 
color of the Privateer Surprise, capturing the British ship Star, 
January 28, 1815, and a copy of the Articles of Agreement of 
the Baltimore galley Conqueror, 1779. 

Among the new volumes added to the library and reported at 
this meeting were : the Journal of the House of Burgesses, Va., 
1752-55 and 1756-58 ; the Parish register of Otley Co. ; the 
Constitution and register of membership of the Society of the 
War of 1812, and the proceedings in the Senate and House of 
Representatives on the reception and acceptance of the statues of 
Charles Carroll and John Hanson. 

The Auditing Committee appointed at the annual meeting pre- 
sented its report through Mr. Greenway, to the effect that it had 
carefully examined the accounts of the Treasurer and found them 
correct. The detailed report of the Treasurer appeared in the 
last issue as part of the proceedings of the annual meeting. 

Letters of resignation were received and accepted from Miss 
Emily E. Lantz, Alonzo May and Robert H. Wright. 

The following new members wa"e elected : 

Mrs. Charles W. BAasBTT, - - . 2947 St. Paul St. 

Thomas L. Berry, - . . . Fidelity Building. 

Thomas W. EuAsoif, - - . . Chestertown. 

Mbs. Reuben Fostbb, ... 2301 N. Charles St. 

John Hinbxby, 215 N. Charles St. 

CharXiES C. Homeb, Jr., - - • Mt. Washington. 

Eev. AifFBED R. HussEY, - - - 1314 Bolton St. 

WmiAM B. Levy, - . - . 408 Fidelity Bailding. 

Upshur Lix)td, ----- Easton, Md. 

W. HoLWNGSWORTH Maokam,, - Ellcton, Md. 

James McEvoy, Jr., - - - - 213 Coartland St. 

Charlm W. Pbettyman, - - Rockrille, Md. 



Mks. Chakles Eieman, . - - Koger's Forge, Md. 

Rev. William Schoules, - - Elkton, Md. 
H. A. C. SxLVESTEB, ... - 1506 Madison Ave. 

Fkancis T. Tagg, D. D., - - - 316 N. Charles St. 

William Tappan, - - - - 714 St. Paul St. 

Harbison W. Vickers, - Chestertown, Md. 

Fkancis E. Waters, . - - - Union Trust Bnildiiig. 

The paper of the evening was read by Mr. DeCourcy W. 
Thorn on " Old Wye Church." 

April 12, 1909. — Al the meeting held on this date the death 
was announced of John T. Morris, which took place on March 28. 

Those elected to membership in the Society at this meeting 
were : 

Mrs. D'Arcy Pattl, - - - Gorsuch Ave. 

Edward P. Keech, Jr., - 900 Maryland Trust Building. 

E. Thomas Massey, . - - Massey, Kent Co., Md. 

John W. Chambers, M. D., 18 W. Franklin St. 

E. G. Eeist, - - . - Sparrows Point. 

Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth read a very interesting paper on 
" Francis Scott Key as a Layman." 

May 10, 1909. — This, being the final spring meeting was, as 
usual devoted entirely to business of the Society, and no paper 
was read at this meeting. The resignation of Charles T. Crane 
was presented and accepted. One associate and four new active 
members were elected, as follows : 

Atsodate: Brig. -Gen. James A. Bwchanan, 1767 Q St., Washington. 
Active : Mrs. Francis T. Homek, Sherwood. 

Miss Elizabeth M. Morris, 908 St, Paul St. 

Casper G. Woodall, American Office. 

Lawrence C. Wroth, 216 E. Preston St. 

A type-written copy of the Reminiscences of the Rev. Jonathan 
Boucher was presented to the Society by Mr. Richard D. Fisher. 
This volume is especially interesting as presenting a picture of 
the prevailing social conditions in Maryland at the beginning 
of the Revolution from the point of view of an ardent Loyalist. 
Mr. Boucher writes of Washington from a personal acquaintance 



with him, and the conditions imder which he performed his 
clerical duties among a people politically hostile to him are 
graphically described. 

Mr. Richard H. Spemcer (rffered the following amendments to 
the Constitution : 

( 1 ) To amend Article III, Sec. 2, by substituting the word seven for three 
in the tenth line, so as to make the Committee on Membership consist of seven 
members, in place of three as heretofore. 

( 2 ) To amend Article III, Sec. 4, bj striking out the first two paragraphs of 
that section as they noTr are, and substitute the following for them : 

4. It shall be the duty of the Trustees of the Athenaeum and of the 
several Committees to meet at tlie rooms of the Society at three o'clock on 
the first Saturday following the annual meeting and then, or at an ad- 
journed meeting, the said trustees and each of said Committees shall select 
one of its members as its chairman, who shall thereby become a member of 
the Council ; and notice of such election shall be promptly given to the 
Secording Secretary. 

This amendment, if adopted, to take effect on and after the 
next annual meeting. 

(3) Also that Section 7 of Article V of the Constitution be repealed and re- 
adopted so as to read : 

7. Any active or assomte member in arrears for dues for six months 
shall be reported by the Treasurer to the Bccording Secretary, whose duty 
it shall be formally to notify the member so in arrears and at the same 
time to send to such member a copy of this section of the Constitution. If 
after such notice the dues shall remain unpaid at the end of the fiscal year, 
the Treasurer shall report the fact to the Council, and unless the Council 
otherwise directs the Recording Secretarj- shall strike the name of the 
delinquent from the rolls of the Society and notify the Treasurer thereof. 

Any person whose name shall have thus been stricken from the roll, may 
thereafter be reinstated upon such terms and conditions as the Council may 
from time to time prescribe. 

These several proposed amendments were laid over under the 
rule, until the next meeting of the Society,